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STERN RECKONING

A Survey of the Events leading up to and
following the Partition of India

GOPAL DAS KHOSLA

Barnster-at-Ldw

Puisne Judge, East Punjab High Court

MORTAL PTudeiice, handmaid of divine Providence,
hath inscrutable reckoning with Fate and Fortune
We sail a changeful sea through halcyon days and storm,
and when the ship laboureih, our stsdfast purpose
trembles like as the compass in a binnacle
Our stability is but balance, and wisdom lies
in masterful administration of the unforeseen

Robert Bridges —Testament of Beauty

1916

CONTENTS

Page

FOREWORD .vii

CHAPTER T—^The Parting of the Ways. 1

CHAPTER II—Direct Action Day and After 39

CHAPTER III—The Punjab.^7

Lahore District .120

Sheikluipura .126

Sialkot 141

Gujranwala .149

Gujrat ' 153

Montgomery ..160

Lyallpur . .. 165

Shahpur „ . .. 172

Jhang 177

Multan „ .... 184

Muzaflargarh . .. .. .. 191

Rawalpindi . .. .. 196

Jhelum „ . .. 199

Attock 201

Mianwali , .. .. 204

Dera Ghazi Khan ,,.208

Bahawalpur State .212

CHAPTER IV—Exodus.217

CHAPTER V—Sind .235

CHAPTER VI—^North-West Frontier Province .. .. 255

CHAPIERVII—Reialiation .. *.275

CHAPTER VIII—Conclusion.293

APPENDIX I—^Notes to Chapters.301

APPENDIX IT—Tables and Statements .319

BIBLIOGRAPHY.351

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Facing page

Kasera Bazar, Lahore, a purely Hindu locality .. .. 101

The effect 'o^ arson in a street in Amritsar .103

The house of Seth Kalyan Das at Multan after it was demo¬
lished by fire.105

The destruction of Bewal, District Rawalpindi.109

The interior of the Sikh Gurdwara at Dubheran after the riots.. 110

Shahalmi Gate, Lahore, after the fire and rioting in June .. 121

The destruction wrought in Shahalmi Gate, Lahore .. .. 122

The destruction of non-Muslim houses and shops in Mozang,
Lahore {two illustrations) .. .,124

The massacre of non-Muslims at Kamoke Railway Station
{two illustrations) .. .. .. .. .. ..152

A train of non-Muslim refugees from West Punjab ,. 223

A street in Dera Ismail Khan .267

FOREWORD

In the history of communal relations, the years 1946-47
mark a period of unequalled mistrust, acerbity and frenzied war¬
fare in almost all parts of India. Tension between the Muslim
and non-Muslim communities increased till the cords that bound
them together snapped and flung them apart—it seemed for ever.
Came the horrors of Calcutta, Noakhali, Bihar and, after a brief
interval, the tragic events enacted in the Punjab, North-West
Frontier Province and Sind. Large numbers of Hindus left
Calcutta and Noakhali to seek shelter in Bihar and other parts
of India. A similar exodus of Muslims from Bihar was witnessed
in October 1946. In March 1947 several parts of West Punjab
were ablaze and nearly half a million Hindus and Sikhs abandoned
their homes and migrated to the eastern districts. They brought
harrowing tales of murder, rapine, arson and wholesale destruc¬
tion of property. Every item of news added to the wrath and
horror of the non-Muslims in India and exacerbated still further
the bitterness between the two communities. Retaliation followed
and during the five months August-December 1947, the provinces
of East and West Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province and
Sind were convulsed with the pangs of a terrible fratricidal war.
And while killing, burning and looting were taking place every¬
where. a two-way mass movement of the population added to the
confusion. The Muslims were travelling westward to Pakistan
and the non-Muslims were leaving Pakistan for India.

Millions of Hindus and Sikhs, forced to leave their homes and
migrate eastward, arrived on the soil of the newly born Dominion
of India. Every one of them had a grim tale to tell. Some of the
stories related by the refugees were, no doubt, exaggerated ; the
newspaper reports were not always accurate; but the total denial
of these happenings by the Government of Pakistan was hardly
calculated to appease the rising temper of the Indian people. It
was necessary that a true "and authoritative account of the
happenings in West Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province
and Sind should be available for the futuic student of History and,
to this end, the Government of India set up a Fact Finding
Organization in the beginning of 1948. This Organization
examined thousands of refugees and recorded their statements.
Every attempt was made to achieve accuracy and check the
veracity of the witnesses. Many of them A^ere apt to magnify

Foreword

• ••
vm

their sufferings and losses and inflate the figures of casualties. A
scaling down of numbers was necessary and much of the evidence
had to be rejected for no other reason than that it lacked
corroboration. After a careful and detailed study of the evidence
so collected the narrative set out in these pages was prepared.

This book is intended to give the reader a survey of the
events leading up to the partition of India and an account of the
widespread disturbances which took place in the Punjab, North-
West Frontier Province and Sind during the year 1947. In the
first chapter an attempt has been made to analyse the facts and
state the causes which led the Muslim League to make a demand
for partition. The second chapter contains an account of the riots
in Calcutta, East Bengal and Bihar during the second half of 1946.
Chapters Three, Four and Seven deal with the Punjab disturbances
and Chapters Five and Six are devoted lo the events in Sind and
the North-West Frontier Province respectively. Chapters Three to
Six are based on the material collected by the Fact Finding
Organization. For the material of Chapter Two the writer is
indebted to various official and unofficial reports, the accuracy of
which is beyond suspicion. In compiling Chapter Seven the writer
had to rely mainly on newspaper reports and some official
documents which, however, did not give a complete account of
what happened. This was inevitable in the nature of things as
first-hand evidence of these events was not available. Exaggerated
accounts of the atrocities perpetrated in East Punjab have been pub¬
lished in Pakistan; some of these emanated from official sources.
It is not the purpose of this book to answer the charges contained
in these reports, nor is it intended that the account given here
should be used as propaganda. The sole aim of the writer has been
to give a true and objective nafrative which would serve as a
historical record for the future.

The tables in Appendix II have been compiled from the
evidence of witnesses. Only some selected instances from a
number of villages in each district have been given. Care has been
exercised in selecting the various items and any incident which
appeared to be doubtful or exaggerated has been studiously
excluded.

The writer is deeply indebted to a number of friends who have
read these pages and have made many helpful suggestions.

Between man and other animals there are various
differences^ some intellectual, some emotional. One of
the chief emotional differences is that some human
aesires, unlike those of animals, are essentially boundless
and incapable of complete satisfaction.

Imagination is the goad that forces human beings
into restless exertion after their primary needs have
been satisfied.

To those who have but little of power and glory, it
may seem that a little more would satisfy them, but in
this they are mistaken: these desires are insatiable and
infinite, and only in the infinitude of God could they
find repose.

Of the infinite desires of man, the chief are the
desires for power and glory.

Bertrand Russell —Power

CHAPTER ONE

THE PARTING OF THE WAYS

The great upheaval which shook India from one end to the
other during a period of about fifteen months commencing with
August 16, 1946, was an event of unprecedented magnitude and
horror. History has not known a fratricidal war of such dimensions
in which human hatred and bestial passions were degraded to the
levels witnessed during this dark epoch when religious frenzy,
taking the shape of a hideous monster, stalked through cities,
towns and countryside, taking a toll of half a million innocent
lives. Decrepit old men, defenceless women, helpless young
children, infants in arras, by the thousand, were brutally done to
death by Muslim, Hindu and Sikh fanatics. Destruction and
looting of property, kidnapping and ravishing of women, unspeak¬
able atrocities and indescribable inhumanities were perpetrated in
the name of religion and patriotism. To be a Hindu, Sikh or a
Muslim became a crime punishable with death. Madness swept
over the entire land, in an ever-increasing crescendo, till reason
and sanity left the minds of rational men and women, and sorrow,
misery, hatred, despair took possession of their souls. A Sikh or
a Hindu dared not show his face in the place where he and his
forefathers had lived for centuries, and a Muslim was forced to
abandon his native soil, his home and his property.

Yet for over a thousand years the various communities had
lived together in peace and amity. United India had a population
of 389 million (1941) comprising 255 million Hindus (including
members of Scheduled Castes), 92 million Muslims, 6.3 million
Christians, 5.6 million Sikhs and a number of smaller communities.
There were Muslim majority areas (in the North-East and the
North-West) and Hindu majority areas, but no part of India was
exclusively inhabited by any one commumty. Everywhere Hindus,
Muslims and Sikhs lived together as neighbours. In the urban
areas the various communities could not, in the very nature of
things, live in separate airtight compartments. There were, no
doubt, Hindu mohallas, Sikh mohallas and Muslim mohallas, but
these were situated side by side and it could not be said of any
town in India that it was owned or inhabited by one community
or that any particular area of the town belonged exclusively to the
Hindus, Muslims or Sikhs. In the provinces of the Punjab, Sind

Stern Reckoning

and Bengal, at least, even the rural population was of a mixed
character. There were Hindu villages, Muslim villages and Sikh
villages, but all three communities were to be found in greater oi
smaller numbers in every village. Hindu and Sikh landlords had
Muslim tenants an^ kamins* Muslim landlords had Hindu tenants,
and employed Hindus as managers and accountants. Hindu
industrialists in towns and factories had Muslim workers. Religion
had never interfered with social relations to any great extent. The
unifying force of geographical entity, historical and cultural
influences, extending over a period of ten centuries, had welded
the various elements into a homogeneous whole. This was scarcely
surprising for more than 90 per cent of the Muslim and Sikh
population consisted of converts from Hinduism and belonged to
the same stock, and had the same traditions as the Hindus. The
converts in many cases retained even the old religious ceremonies ;
they differed but little in appearance or dress and behaved as
members of the same society. This was particularly true of the
rural areas. There had, no doubt, been occasional clashes between
the communities but these were sporadic and very short-lived.
The direct cause was almost invariably an economic or political
disturbance rather than the religious factor. Riots usually
occurred among the lower classes and the communal tension
among them was spasmodic, though, when it occurred, it took
an intense form. The peasant rising around Calcutta in 1831 was
hardly a communal riot. The peasants broke into the houses of
Muslim and Hindu landlords with perfect impartiality. The
Mymensingh disturbance of May 1907 was really nothing more
than the rising of the Muslim peasantry against their Hindu
landlords and creditors. They would probably have risen with
the same ferocity had the landlords and creditors been Muslims.
The Mopla Revolt, which is oftftn quoted as one of the worst
communal disturbances and which was exploited by the British
Government to their great profit, was also a rising of the oppressed
and poverty-stricken peasants. The Bombay riots of 1929 were
riots between the mill-workers who went on strike and the Pathan
strikebreakers. Riots in the Punjab were seldom handled with tact
or imagination, and the indifference or incompetence of British
officials in dealing with communal disturbances was frequently
ascribed to the policy of Divide and Rule. Minor differences in

* Villaie menials and labourers in ebarae of rural crafts, e z, carpenters, blacksmiths,
weavers, shoemakers, potters, tailors, etc.

The Patting of the Ways

custom and outlook never stood in the way of the various com¬
munities living together in the most amicable and friendly manner.
Hindus, Muslims and Sikhs used to meet each other on terms of
equality. They dined * at each other^s houses and seldom allowed
their religious persuasions to interfere with theq; social and friendly
intercourse. In the United Provinces the relations between the
Hindus and Muslims were extremely cordial. Muslims went to
play Holi with their Hindu friends while Hindus always went to
their Muslim friends on the occasion of the Id festival.

The riots were confined mostly to the urban areas. The rural
population, which comprises nearly 90 per cent of the total
population of India, has always remained peaceful. Louis Fischer,
in his book, “ A Week with Gandhi,” refers to this circumstance t
which was also observed by the Simon Indian Statutory
Commission, who presented a report to the Viceroy in May 1930.t
This neighbourly feeling rose on occasions to emotional heights,
such as during the days of the Khilafat movement when Hindus
and Muslims could be seen eating together and drinking from the
same bowl. Even in the North-West Frontier Province the turbulent
and fanatic Pathan lived on terms of friendship with his Hindu
neighbour. Their relations were free from suspicion, bitterness,
or any kind of hostility on grounds of religion. Unity in variety
has been insisted upon as a peculiar characteristic of India. This
was not a piece of wishful thinking but a true statement of. the
actual state of affairs- a statement reiterated by those who saw
that the destructive forces of disruption were beginning to appear
in some places.

These disruptive and separatist tendencies had their origin in
a movement of national revival which took place during the
nineteenth century by way of a moral defence against British
domination. The impact of Western thought and civilization in

* TbK IS naturally not true ot the very orthodox Hiitdus who never dine ouunde the narro v
llmib of their caatc and would refuse to eat fiom the hands of an tnitstder, Hindu or Muslim

i “ Caroc (the Viceroy’s Sccretarv for Foreign Affairs who woiked for many years as a
British official in the Punjab) and Jenkins (a high British official iti the Department of
Supplies) ”, I said, ” told me that there were no communal differences in the villages, and
I heard from others, too, that the relations between the two religious communities are
peaceful in ^ villages If that is so, that is very important because India ts ninety
per cent village.”

t ” There is among the Hindu minority in Sind a feeling that the independence of the
(Bntish) Commissioner is ton great, while on the Mahomedan side there is a well-known
cry for separation from Bombav This demand has gathered strength not so much in the homes
of the people or among the Mahomedan cultivators ot Sind as among the leaders of
Mahomedan thought all over India to whom the idea of a new Muslim Province, contiguous
to the predominantly Muslim areas of Baluchistan, the North-West Frontier Province, and
the Punjab naturally appeals as offering a stronghold against the tear of Hmdu domination.”

Stem Reckoning

*6 '

the first half of the nineteenth century led to an awaltening of
political consciousness and a sense of frustration in the face (tf
British imperialism. In the desire to re-capture self-esteem the*
Indian mind harked back to the ancient Hindu and Muslim cultures.
The Hindu mind sought solace in the memory of the Golden Age
of Hindu imperialism and the Vedas. The founding of the Brahmo
Samaj by Raja Ram Mohan Roy in 1828, of the Arya Samaj by
Swami Daya Nand in 1875, the revival of Shivaji’s cult in* the
Maharashtra and the anti-cow-killing campaign by Bal Gangadhar
Tilak marked the various steps in the Hindu revivalist movement.
The Hindu mind, in tiying to rehabilitate its lost pride, sought an
escape in glorifying its ancient achievements towards which the
Muslims had made no contribution, and Hindu revivalism, there¬
fore, took a religious and communal form. By a similar psycho¬
logical process the Muslims look their minds back to the glory of
the Prophet, the Khilafat and the Muslim conquest of the countries
around the Mediterranean. These trends found expression in the
Wahabi movement, the activities of Syed Ahmad of Rae-Bareli
and the Mutiny of 1857 in which Hindus and Muslims made
common cause against the foreign oppressor. It is to be observed
that these revivalist tendencies were faint and hardly noticeable
until the latter half of the nineteenth century when the differences
between the Hindu and Muslim thought began to get more and
more pronounced. Thus it was that, by a most unfortunate process
of human psychology, the mental defences raised against foreign
domination, and barriers, intended to restore self-esteem and moral
rehabilitation, became fissiparous tendencies. As the revivalist
movement gathered force, its momentum carried it beyond the
limits of safety and sanity. The buffers of reason proved quite
inadequate to arrest this emotional rush, and, before the end of tlje-
nineteenth century, signs of mutu£t^ suspicion and antagonism had
begun to appear with disturbing frequency. Hindus and Muslims
began to assert themselves as separate entities by withdrawing
themselves from each other’s festivals, by wearing different dress,
observing distinctive manners, and by each demanding a separate
language and educational institutions. Hindu culture and Muslim
culture were now mentioned as distinct and irreconcilable
conceptions. ,

There arose a desire for power, for communal supremacy and
for the assertion of Hindu rule and Muslim rule. The lengths to
which the respective protagonists carried their logic was amazing.

The Parting of the Ways

7 '

A sohei&e was drafted in all seriousness for organizing a society of
workers to achieve a free India which would in effect be a Hindu
India:

“Should the Society consist only of Hindus? In my opinion,
yei, for— (p) A harmonious sentiment, based on common memories,
liter^rare and polity can be produced in its full intensity among
Hindus.

**(/)) The peasants will take the Society as their own, if it
consists only of Hindus. We should look to the Jats, Rajputs,
Sikhs and other Hindu populations and must not be carried, away
by our advanced notions. Politics is the art of manipulating the
passions of large masses of men so as to achieve a desired object.

. “(c) As no serious man can predict the indissoluble character
of the union of Hindus and Mohammedans, it is advisable to lead
the Mohammedans by means of Hindus. If you create the idea
of political organization and sacrifice Among Mohammedans, these
are weapons which might be turned again.st the Hindus in the
possible case of an English intrigue. The Mohammedan masses
are so susceptible to religious mania that it is probable that if the
idea of organization and communal service is accentuated in their
midst, it will find its embodiment in a union of Muslims, which
would be anti-Hindu in character. It is better to organize the
Mohammedans by means of Hindus, for as soon as a Mohammedan
worker will appeal to his co-religionists for national unity, his
words will rouse only religious passion and the spell of Hindu-
Mohammedan unity will be broken. Let us bring the Moham¬
medans into our camp by means of Hindu workers.

“ (c/) In using the word ‘Swarajya’ and appealing to the people
arouse Hindu associations. We would ask the Mohammedans
to. join us, but we must keep their masses under Hindu leadership.
If you give them Mohammedan leaders, you tread on dangerous
ground.

“(e) Many enthusiastic young men, zealous for the freedom
of the Fatherland, think that the introduction of Mohammedans will
bring in a jarring note. I know more than six or seven young men
of the Punjab who will give up all worldly prospects for a Hindu
Society, but not for a mixed one. I think Mr. Tilak and Mr. Lajpat
Rai will agree in this opinion.” ♦

* The sc.hcme was drawn by Lala Hardyat in 1906 when he was in Enslend and sent
to Pandit Shyama Krishna Varina for consideration.

Stem Reckoning

The Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh, founded in Maharashtra
in 1925. raised the ciy of “ Hindi, Hindu, Hindustan?* •

A Muslim writer argued:

** There is not an inch of the soil of India which our fathers
did not once purchase with their blood. We cannot be false to the
blood of our fathers. India, the whole of it. is therefore our
heritage and it must be re-conquered for Islam. Expansimi in the
spiritual sense is an inherent necessity of our faith and implies no
hatred or enmity towards the Hindus. Rather the reverse. Our
ultimate ideal should be the unification of India, spiritually as well
as politically, under the banner of Islam. The final political
salvation of India is not otherwise possible.*”"

In 1933 Choudhary Rahmat Ali. a Punjabi, residing in
Cambridge, evolved a scheme for the partition of India. His
original idea was that those portions of India in which the Muslims
were in a majority, should be partitioned and made into a sovereign
State which would constitute the homeland of the Muslims and
Muslim culture. Choudhary Rahmat Ali developed his idea and
his imagination expanded the little dark cloud until it covered the
entire sky. In the beginning Pakistan was to consist of the Punjab,
North-West Frontier Province, Kashmir, Sind and Baluchistan
only. Later, encouraged by the reception which was given to it by
the Muslim League, in 1940, he initiated the second part of his
programme embracing Bangistan, which was to include Bengal and
Assam, and Osmanistan, comprising Hyderabad (Deccan). He
thus evolved the conception of Dinia and finally of Pakasia, which
he called “The Historic Orbit of the Pak Culture.” Choudhary
Rahmat Ali’s naivete would be amusing, had it not led to so much
disaster in the country. He defined ‘Dinia’ in the following
manner:

“ Dinia is the new designation and destiny of the old, ante¬
diluvian ‘India,’ which is dying its well-deserved death. It is
obvious that the word ‘Dinia* is composed of the letters of the
word ‘India* itself and that, in the arrangement of letters, there is
only one change. This is the transposition of the letter *d* in ‘India*
to the first place. That is all.”

Yes, that is all, but what is the implication*^of ‘Dinia*?
Choudhary Rahmat Ali says that the old name ‘India* was both
a misnomer and a menace. “It was a misnomer because it

* “ The Meaning of Pakistan.” by F. K Kban Durrani ,

TM Ways 9

fiteraUy arid j^Bticaliy meant that India was the dcomrin of opfy
Caste Hinddbism and Caste Hindoos ;... Ft was a menace because
it was being systematically exploited by Indians (Caste Hindoos) to
^Indian ize* the non-Indians and to make them nationally honourless,
nghtiess and futurcless in the lands of their birth.” The intro¬
duction of democratic institutions involving the counting of heads
raised the hopes of the Hindus and shattered the dreams of Muslim
domination. A feeling of frustration grew and the Muslim mind
began to show signs of a fear complex and an obsession which
was used to stir up hatred of everything Hindu. It was said that
with a Hindu majority government in power:

“ Nothing will be left undone to crush the Islamic spiri’^ and
distinctions, destroy the Muslim moral and social fabric, the
education and training of future generations and alter the entire
phase of Islamic life, c.g., a law may be made that if a Muslipi
girl marries a non-Muslim the union will be taken as valid. Even
forced^ marriages will obviously be presumed, or, decided to be,
voluntary, with non-Muslim Judges to decide such cases. Urdu
may be replaced by Hindi as lingua franca for India. Conversion
to Islam, use of beef for food, or sacrifice, uttering a call for
prayer, resentment to noise before mosques at prayer time, teaching
or propagating the Holy Quran, building up of mosques and a
hundred other Muslim customs and traditions may be stopped by
legislation ; and they will have power to execute such laws.”*

These effusions, though not authoritative utterances, are fairly
representative of the channels m which extremist thought was
running.

The differences between the communities were accentuated and
magnified by economic factors, commercial competition and pro¬
fessional rivalry. The Muslims did not. as eagerly as the Hindus,
take to Western education and Western culture. In the race for
employment in Government service and^the liberal professions,
they started late and the initial Jhandicap persisted. After
the Mutiny of 1857 the British Government adopted a
policy of repression against the Muslim upper and middle
classes on the ground that they were responsible for the
Mutiny. Sir Sayed Ahmad saw the dangerous conse¬
quences of this line of action and realized that the salvation
of Muslims could only be achieved by the spread of Western

• S. N. X QXirl—" A Mwitttt’s Iimef Voice.”

$km R^k&ning

learaing tfnuwsf tllieii an(} by iheir u!U)tudifiedloy«aty to ^ Brit&b'
rule. He repelled the suggestion that the Musli)^ wm and-Brftish
or that the Mutiny was an attt^npt to restore Moghul rule in Icuha.
An essay written by him in 1858 in which he had urged the pohqy
of ** divide and rule ** was resuscitated from oblivion and published
in an English translation in 1873. He exhorted the Muslims to
embrace Western culture and study modem sdence. The
Mahommedan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh was founded and
the European Principals of thisxCoUege played an important part
in leading the Muslim agitation for preferential t^tmort in
Government posts and the bourgeois professions. During his
later years. Sir Sayed began to evince an obsession of Hindu
domination. The demands for greater Muslim representation
increased with the realization that official position and participation
in the administrative machinery brought power and jvestige.

In the business and industrial spheres the non-Muslims had
obtained an initial advantage which increased and multiplied
rapidly. Commercial activity first came to India in parts where
the Muslim influence was least. In Bombay, Madras and Calcutta,
the main centres of the East India Company activities, the non-
Muslims were in a majority and their intellectual and financial
resources enabled them to forge ahead and leave the Muslims
behind. The most important businesses and industries were captured
by them and the Muslims felt that they had irretrievably lost the
position of supremacy once held by them. There was constant
harping on the theme that they had been relegated to the status
of drawers of water and hewers of wood. The Hindus were
accused of exploiting and impoverishing the Muslims. This agi¬
tation was conducted solely by the Muslim middle classes, for the
peasantry (which forms the bulk of the Hindu and Muslim popu¬
lation) had no such grievances and it ^as only among the bourgeois
elements that separatist tendencies were most noticeable. In
the demand for Pfddstan the Muslim officials and the Muslim
commercial interests raised the loudest voice. The Muslim writ^

. and p(fliticians of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
were for the most part drawn from the class of Government
servants. Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan was for a time an Additional
Member of the Govemor-Generars Council and served on a
number of Government Commissions. Chiragh AH. Professor
|Sa}ah-ud-Din Khuda Bakhsh of Calcutta. Abdulla Yusaf AS ndiose
writings to a considerable extent shaped the modernist moveme|^

li'IsIftQiic aSL Opvemmem servant Wliesk jl^akMlia^

became a reafoble dream and the partition of India waa immiimm.
Muslim ofiSoials admimstrators played a very importint >
part in shaping the (^urse of events and precipitating the disastrous
resulte that foUowed.

These difitetences were observed by the British Government
and exploited in order to further thdr imperialistic aima in the
country. As early as 1843 the Governor-General, Lord Ellen-
borough, wrote, " I cannot dose my eyes to the belief that that
race (the Muslims) is fundamentally hostile to us and our true
policy is to concdiate the Hindus.** Mountstuart Eiphinstone
advised ** Divide et Impera was the old Roman motto and it should
be ours.*’ It has been already observed that after the Mutiny of
1857 a determined attempt was made to suppress the Muslims.
This was soon carried to dangerous limits and a British official,
W. W. Hunter, pointed out that the Muslim population was being
shut out from official employ and from the recognized professions.
He also drew attention to the British spoliation and extermination
of the old Muslim educational system. This was a reference to the
resumption of rent-free grants of land made by the Muslim ruhscs
in Bengal. The grantees were responsible for financing a large
number of Muslim educational institutions. With the establish¬
ment and progress of the Indian National Congress the pendulum
of British favouritism swung in the opposite direction, and means
were sought to provide a counterpoise to Congress aims. Lord
Curzon brought about the partition of Bengal in order to shatter
the unity and to disintegrate the feeling of solidarity** in the
province. This fostered the growth of Mahommedan power in
Eastern Bengal by way of a check to the rapidly growing strength
of the Hindu community. The events which culminated in the
founding of the Muslim League and the introduction of separate
electorates in 1909 ^make instructive reading. In the winter of
1905-06 the Prince of Wales (afterwards King George V) made
a tour of India. On his retiun to England he told Lord Morley,
the Secretary of State for India, that the National Congress was ^
raiadly beconung a great power. On May 11, 1906, Lord Morley
wrote to the Viceroy, Lord Minto, and drew his attention to what
the Prmce of Wales had observed. A week later Lord Minto
hav^ been thinking a good deal lately of a possible
' counterpoise to Congress aims.** He suggested a Council of
"Mnces df tba native Rulers and a few other important persons.

U, ^irrt'fCeck^ng

^ - ■*

lib added, **Su6]ed5 for discussion and {n'O^ure wcnild have to
'be very cai^Uy thought out. but we should get different ideai
fietti those of the Congress.** On June 19, 1906, Lord Morley
.again wrote to Lord Minto and warned hifh that **before long
Muslims will throw in their lot with Congressmen against you.**
Mr. Archbold, Principal, Aligarh College, now took a hand and
had a talk with the fiivate Secretary to the Viceroy. On August
10, 1906, Mr. Archbold wrote to Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk a letter
in which he suggested that a deputation of Muslims should wait
upon the Viceroy and ask for certain concessions.* Mr. Archbold
was. anxious that his own name should ** remain behind the
screen.” On October 1, 1906, a Muslim delegation, led by His
Highness the Aga Khan, waited on the Viceroy and presented an
address. Lord Minto in his reply conceded the Muslim demands.
He said, “ Your address, as I understand it, is a claim that, in any
system of representation, whether it affects a Municipality, a
District Board, or Legislative Council, in which it is proposed to
introduce or increase an ^electoral organization, the Mahommedan
community should be represented as a community. ... I am
entirely in accord with you. ... 1 am as firmly convinced as I
believe you to be, that any electoral representation in India would
be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a
personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions
of communities composing the population of this continent.” The
gratification of Lord Minto and Lady Minto at the successful
conclusion of this episode was recorded in Lady Minto’s Diary, f
An official wrote to her commenting on her husband*s work of
statesmanship is nothing less,*’ he said, *‘than the pulling
back of 62 millions of people from joining the rknks of the seditious
opposition.” The same year the All-India Muslim Conferrace
wMch subsequently became the AJliJndia Muslim League was
founded.

The Minto-Morley Reforms of 1909 introduced separate
electorates and erected ^ formidable and impr^nable barrier
between the two major communities of India. Hindus and
Muslims henceforth ^gan to have distinct and antagonistic
political aspirations. Each community felt little need of canvasring
the support of the other community. The electorate was di^dded
into watertight compartments and in each compartoent communal

* For the text of the letter aee Appeal 1—Note (u) to Chapter L
t See App«idlx l-^Note (liO to Chapter 1

‘•rt

biQ^tUjity ^ta«ased. A Mudim candidate's
was fommiated only for the Muslim electorate and tfaia had
the iaeidtable result at putting extremist views at t'premittmiw
Sectional opinion was thus promoted, at the cost of public o^nion^ ^
the interests of the nation were sacrificed to ^ interests of
community. The poison inti^uced in 1909 incre^ffied and.
spread througjiout the body politic as the franchise was enlarged.
In 1909 the electorate numt^red only about a million. U was
inc^asedTin 1919 to more than seven millions and by the Gov^-
tnent of India Act of 1935 more than thirty-six million voters
created, every one of whom thought, spoke and acXed on commUnal
lines.

Employment in Government service, entry to educational and
professional institutions were fixed on communal basis. Com¬
munal-minded people, both Hindu and Muslim, were encouraged
by being awarded high positions and titles,"' while people who
worked for inter-communal harmony were in danger of imprison-
n)ent. Press censorship was worked on a preferential basis.

- No restrictions were placed on Muslim papers that advocated
murder for apostasy. The British press repeatedly attempted to
^ shr up communal discord in nationalistic movemrats, e.g., by
insinuating that Khudai Khidmatgars were anti-Hindu rath^ than
anti-British. More room was given in London papers to communal
questions and very little to nationalist ones. Nationalist Muslims
hardly ever found mention in these papers. The split between
the communities was gradually widened and. by carefully calculated,
and judiciously delivered blows, the wedge was driven in deeper
on every possible occasion. The Muslim personnel of the Round
Table Conference of 1930 and the subsequent Conferences was
chosen out of the most communal Muslims. Mian Fazl-i-Husain
who was a Member of the Viceroy’s Executive Council advised
in the choice of the Muslim delegates and the names of natipnalist-
minded Muslims were removed from the list of nominees. When
it was found that Mr. Jinnah did not Support all the communal
demands at the first Round Table Conference, no invitation was
issued to him for the subsequent Conferences. Later, when he
changed his views, he was accepted as a leader of all Muslims
in spite of the fact that he represented only a small minority of
them. The case of forty-five million Momins, the Khudai

* A BtHdy of the list of dU^holdws wUI indicate the extent to whidi conmundMaded
fiidlvichttla, Hladue. Mudime and Sthbs were encouraged and rewarded for their aatl>
hadonaStt andvHic*.

Stem Reckoning

Khidmatgars, the Khaksars. the Ahrar Party, the Mansoons and
a number of other Muslim bodies who opposed Mr Tinnah, the
Muslim League and Pakistan, was never considered The Com¬
munal Award of 1Q12 which conceded almost all the demands of
the Muslims was a cunning device to perpetuate the Hindu-Muslim
differences

The Irameis of the Biitish imperialist policj at the top were
ably assisted by the local administrators and officials All possible
means were adopted to maintain the stiength of the British hold
on India Riots were encouraged and in some cases initiated
The peaceful and non-violcnt nationalist movement was ruthlesslv
suppressed The uprising of the Mopla tenants against their land¬
lords was utilized to spread disaffection among the two com¬
munities 1 he Moplds had committed certain atrocities against
Hindus but these wtie only incidental to the general upiismg
which as we have observed eailicr was reall> the protest of the
tenants against then landloids Photographs of Muslims cutting
the (hoti of the Hindus and foicing beef down their throat were
exhibited bv the Government of the United Piovinccs in various
plates and particularly in the vicinity of temples and othei sacred
Hindu places They were for instance exhibited iii Aiudhia A
membci oi the United Provinces legislative Assembly"^ asked a
question about these pliotographs and pamphlets and the Govein-
ment admitted that this propaganda was done at public expense
Indian officials who showed independence of spiut and integrity
of purpose were di'‘Couiaged supeisedcd and kept out of key
posts involving the exercise of ptisonal discict ion in important
matteis Since a dishonest and conupl official could be lelied
upon to cairy out an anti national policv a blind eye was turned
on dishonesty and no serious effort was made to stamp out
coriuption while sycophants and antf-Tndia ofhceis weie lewarded
by appreciation and preferment

The story of a seciet deal between Mr Jinnah and Mr Churchill
was revealed by Michael loot M P in an aitick published in the
Dailx Herald the official organ of the British t abour Party Louis
Fischer commented on the C hurchilMinnah alliance in an article
contributed to the Hindustiian Standaid ^

Duiing the disturbances of 1947 it v^as noticed that British and
Anglo-Indian officers in Police Military and Civil employ helped

♦ Mr M hin lal Siksena

Nile (i\) in Appendix I

The Parting of the Ways

the Muslim League organization in a most reprehensible manner.
In Orissa it was found that Muslim hooligans were given arms
imported from Java by army men and distributed by English and
Anglo-Indian officers. Large quantities of arms and ammunition
were stolen from and smuggled out of the Ordnance Depot at
Jubbulpore and the information of the police was that English
Police and Army Officers were concerned in this smuggling.
Hawkins, a British Army Officer, was tried and found guilty of
possessing unlicensed arms. He was alleged to be a member of
a secret organization controlled by the Churchill Group of
Conservatives, having agents all over India. These agents had
been stirring disaffection among the Muslims and distributing arms
to them The Commander of the Boundary Force in the Punjab,
entrusted with the task of maintaining law and order in the areas
alongside the boundary between Last and West Punjab, was
frequently accused of criminal apathy in putting down the distur¬
bances. It was impossible to prove any specific charges, but when
the volume of complaints increased, the Government of India
rcmoNcd him from this important post. When it became certain
that the British Ciovcrnmcnt had finally decided upon the transfer
of power to Indians and a complete relinquishment of authority in
India was imminent, the British officials were sullen and angry.
1 hey realized that the era of their power and glory was about to
come lo an end. They predicted the most dire consequences for
India and Indians 1 hey had no urge or desire lo control the forces
of dcsiruction and were quite content to see the break up of Puk
B ntunnua which now appeared galling to them in the new political
'‘Ct-up

Such was the result achieved by a hundred years of “divide
and rule” policy.*

While the extreme Hindu and Muslim communal organizations
assisted by the British administrators, embittered the once friendly
and neighbourly relations of the two communities, the Indian
National Congress endeavoured, by every possible means, lo bring
them together on a common platform, so that they could offer a
united front to British imperialism Founded in 1885, and com¬
pletely secular in its composition and ideology, it met every year

* Wc make no apolocv for quoting the tolnwinK Irom a Icttci written by Lord Olivier
to the London Times on fulv 10 I92ti

" No one with any close .icciu.imtancc ol Indian alTairs will be ptcpaied to deny that
on the whole theie is a predominant bias in Rriitsh officialnan in India in favour of the
Moslem community, partly on the yround of closer sympathy bin more largely as a make¬
weight against Hindu nationalism "

Stern Reikoniitvi

ana soon mobilized the entire body of political consciousness m
the country Larue numbeis of Muslims joined the organization
and at its Sixth Scs>ion held in Calcutta in 18Q0 there were 156
Muslim detegates out of a total of 702 Several of its sessions
vvcie presided ovci b> Muslims* Many ol the foremost leaders
of the Muslim community have been members of this nationalist
oigani/ation riicy found that its piogramme and ideology were
not onlv consistent with Islamic ideals but weic calculated to
furthei and piomotc Islamic cultuie Accoiding to Professoi
W C Smith ? some Muslims )oined the National Congress because
tbe\ weie Muslims and because then religion taught them “fiee-
dom, equality ol gisiice and co-operation with and lespect lor all
mankind ” Such wcic flussain Ahmad Madm an orthodox Dlcma
and Piincipai ol the Deoband ( ollegc and Obedullah Sindhi, a
liie-biand agiiatoi 1 hen again theie weie Muslims who joined the
Congie^s bcvaiise thev disappiovcd ol the Muslim League deve¬
loping into an anti-Umdu oigani/a<ion, eg, Hakim A)mal Khan
Di Sail-i'd-Din Kitchlcw Dt M A Ansaii and Maulana Abul
Kalam A/ad Lhcie weie otheis who joined the Congiess bc..ausc
they weic na'ionalisi-mmded I oi them bemu a Mushm was
wholl) 11 relevant to the question which paitv »hev should join
Mr Badai-ud-l)m 1 avabji who piesidcd over the 1 hird National
Congress and S usat Mcharallv arc instances ol such nationalist
Muslims I asilv. theic weic Mu tints who bad become anti-
rcligioio sikIi as youne Muslim iuUllec<uah and communists I he
Congiess hold on the Muslim niind lemamcd mm until oiil> a
lew veais auo

Ihc C onmess was opposed to sc^lanan politics and the
piin^’plc ol scpaiaic ciccioiates I nloitunaiely the disastrous
consc juence>^ of the separatist tendencies introduced by the Mmlo-
Moilev Reforms ol ldU9 were nof'tullv realized and, in then
aiixici) to win ovei Muslim opinion at anv cctst whatevei. the
Congress Icadcis entered into a pact with the Muslim l.eague
in 1916.'' whciebv Mtey accepted separate electorates lor Muslims

'* I ». Mr B diiulm I M ii iiu Mil imni-iil \'i Di M \ \ istri MiuUni

Mill K iliin A/1(1

Mfdirn 1 1 mi in In In Iv Wilfitil C iniwi I S mh

* 11k lucCniw PdLi (I I Hh u IS i di lit sihinii i i urlini ol Constitution il Reforms
liimuliiia It hi Vlllndn t ntmi ( nnmutti, in nn nt with thi Rclonns Sub Committee
ippointid bs hi AI Indii Muslim lutui which imonest othu constitutional proposals
Kiipu I thi pi im p'c Dm third of thi Indian iKilid tntmhcrs should be Mohammedins
cliLtcd b> stp ate Mohamnitlm tltiu lUs m thi sisinl Puninccs in thi proportion as
mis bi in wbKh thc\ uc ripicscntid in thi PioMniiil I c^islatiii Councils by separate
M Inn fiiidu cl <

The Patting of the Ways

This course of action nid> have seemed inevitable at the time
but there can he no doubt that it was a most unfortunate sacrifice
ol nationalist ideals and a major blunder.

The same anxiety to secuic the allegiance ot the Muslim masses
resulted in another sacrihce of secular ideals when, m 1920, the
Congress espoused the Khilafat cause and adopted the dangerous
aiuise of boi rowing religious emotions for gaining political ends
The artificial stimulant applied by the Cnil Disobedience inovc-
nieni was followed by an apathcbc reaction when the events in
Turkey made the achievement ot Khilafat a piactical impossibility
The neutral altitude adopted by the Congress towards the Com¬
munal Aw aid in Id 12 was another unlorlunate mistake, and
alienated the Muslims It tailed to achieve national unity and
provided Mr linnah with an opportunity to say some haish things
about the C ongress

We have seen how a bundled yeais ol levivahst tendencies,
sivtv vears ot economic rivaliy, tosleicd and pronnited by the
insidious British policv of divide and lule" and a gcneiation of
separate decloialts created and steadily widened the gulf between
the Muslim and non-Muslims ol India I he cfioils of the
Congress to budge this gull had some measure of sue-css and a
final Ineak was avoided loi a eonsidciable time Failure, however
was inevitable and came parllv because the Biitish lulers always
hid the whip-hand and partly becausL the remedies applied were
ipadiquatc and not indicated by a conc..t diacmosis ol the malady
It IS 111 this lonlext that the inoie leient events ol the period
19^7-46 must be studied

The Goveinmcnt oi India Act of 191S was an exlrcmelv
unsatistactoiy measuie and scarcely improved the existing positicm
from the Indian standpoint Fhc powers of the provincial
authorities were, no doubt, enlarged anti extended, but the terms
t4 the Act intensified the scpaiatisl tendencies inheient in the
system ot sepaiatc electorates, loiiitied the position oi the bureau-
ciaey by introducing a number of reservations which incieascd
the scope of its executive tuncticuis and the Fedeial strueluie
was intended to impede any real progress on nationalist lines
The C ongress. howevei, on being assured that the Biitish Governors
would behave as gentlemen and not interfere in the day-to-day
administration of the provinces, decided to enter the new Councils
and work Piovmcial Autonomy under the Act The Muslim
1 eague also came to a similar decision under the leadership c»l

Stern Reckoning

Mr. Jinnah and resolved to create a Central Election Board in
order to organize the election campaign and undertook “ the policy
and programme of mass contact ”* Mr Jmnah had scant success
in achieving Muslim solidarity on a communal basis. The Muslim
majority provinces were not willing to accept Mr. Jinnah’s leader¬
ship and the results of the elections m 1937 were bitterly
disappointing to him Only 44 per cent of the Muslims who went
to the polls voted for the Muslim League t In Bihar, the Central
Provinces, the North-West Frontier Province, Orissa and Sind not
a single Muslim League candidate was elected In the Punjab
only two candidates (of whom one later resigned from the Muslim
League) were returned as against 82 non-l eague Muslims. The
League had partial success in Bengal, Bombay, ihe United Pio-
vinccs and Madras, but in these provinces also, the number of
non-League candidates returned was greatl} in excess of the
League candidates j Ihe Congress swept the polls and tound
Itself in a position to form Ministries in eight out of eleven pro¬
vinces (all except the Punjab. Bengal and Sind) The Muslim
League had not expected such a wholesale rout and felt completely
left out of the political game It novv began to hope ioi
concessions from the Congress and asked for a share in ibe
administration of the provinces by including Muslim League
Ministcis in the Cabinets I his request was not so fantastic as the
Congress High Command, obsessed with the rules ol British
Parliamentary etiquette, seemed to think Indeed in the United
Provinces, the C'ongress had. m some constituencies supported the
League candidate and a tacit understanding appeals to have groun
up that aftci the elections a Coalition Ministij would be foimcd
The Congress did not expect to secure an absvdule majoiitv in the

* Somi, RcLint SpttthLs ind Wiitini,s ol Mi

linnih tdiitd

h\ J iinil lid Din Ahmed

t Ihe lotil luinilKi i( MiisUni oti-s wi*.

the Muslim Ll iRuc
f Tht txm position is is toIJows

''<(lily44‘' ind (if

thtst only 421 '’72 voted

Pioiiiue

Mmhm

Othei

1 taifut

\finlimi

Midras

Boitibtv

■>0

Bengnt

UnitLd Piosimts

Ptinj lb

Bihir

Nil

Central Piovincts

Nil

Assim

2*!

Notth West liontiii Province

Nil

Onssa

Nil

Sind

Nil

Totil

109

376

The Parting of the Ways

Legislature and it was assumed that it would have to rely on
League co-operation. The Congress success at the polls was, how¬
ever, phenomenal and entirely unexpected, and, flush with victory,
the nationalist parly declined to include a Muslim League member
in the Government. The signing of the Congress pledge wa.*! made
a condition precedent to participation in the Cabinet. There weie
no doubt good reasons for taking this step. ■ It was argued that
the Congress itself was a kind of coalition or joint front of various
groups tied together by the dominating urge for India’s independ¬
ence” and —

“A wider coalition meant a joining up with people whose
entire political and social outlook was different, and \\ho were
chiefly interested in office and ministerships. Conflict was inherent
in the situation, conflict with the representatives of British interest—
the Viceroy, the Governor, the superior services; conflict also with
vested interests in land and industry over agrarian questions and
workers’ conditions. The non-Congress elements were usually
politically and socially conservative; some of them were pure
careerists. If such elements entered Government, they might lone
down our whole social programme or at any rate obstruct and
delay it There might even be intrigues with the Governor o\er
the heads of the other Ministers. A joint front against the British
authority was essential. Any breach in this would be harmful to our
cause. There would have been no binding cement, no common
loyalty, no united objective and individual Ministers would have
looked and pulled in different directions.”*

Mr Nehru was somewhat impatient of the League and its
insistence on separate representation and wanted the whole country
to present a united front against the British rulers, but when he
declared that “the parties that malteied in India are the Congress
and the British, and others should line up with the Congress if
they intended to survive,” Mr. Jinnah was justifiably angry and
retorted, “ There is a third party, namely, the Mussalmaiis. We
arc not going to be dictated to by anybody. We are willing to
co-operate with any group of a progressive and independent

* iawaharlal Nehru, “ Tht Djswvcri ot India "

It miicht be atgued that the results predicted in these words wuc achieved when the
Coaliuon Interim Government was formed in 1946 Tlierc is. howevei, no analogy between
1937 and 1946 In 1937 there w.(s no question uC partition of the country and the League
bad expressed the intention of working with the Congress

In 1946 the League was not imbued with the same desire for coopciation as in 1917
In lact, the Muslim Icadcis openly declared that they had entered the Interim GtuLinmcnt
in ordei to achieve Pakistan.

Stern Reckoning

chdidctcr provided its programme and policy correspond to our
own We are willing to work as equal parties for the welfare of
India ”

The unwisdom ot this parliamentary orthodoxy, however, soon
became manitest when its effects on communal lelations began to
appeal The Muslim I cague leaders Iclt frustrated and chagnned
Ml linnah was dngr>- and gave unrestrained expicssion to his
sentiments against Gandhiji and Mr Nehru * He called upon the
Mussulmans ot India to organize, consolidate and establish
solidarity and unity In October ld17, a session of the All-lndia
Muslim League was held at Lucknow This session was attended
b> Sir Sikandar Hay at Khan, the Prcmiei ot the Puntab, Mr Fazlul
Haq, the Premier of Bengal, and Sir Saadiillah Khan, the Premier
ot Assam, who had hitherto icfused to tall into line with
Mr Jinnah I he Muslim League changed its ciecd from “Full
Responsible Go\einment” to “lull Independence,” and decided
to take immediate steps to ‘ Iramc and put into effcwt an economic,
social and educational progiamniL 1 his was intended to mustei
populai suppoit lo' the I caguc and woo the non-Lcague Muslim
groups eg, the ( oahtion Party in the Punjab, the Kiishak Proja
PaiiN m Bengal 1 Ik Sikandai-Jiiinah Pact was concluded An
attempt was made to win th' s\mpathics of the Indian Christians
and inembcis of im Sih^duktl Casies Mr linnah undeitook a
country-widc tour to establish con'act with the masses The
Muslim League began to sa> that the Congics-. was a puielv Hindu
bodv and was piipetiitmL aiiocitics upon the Muslims, in the
piovinces wheie it was in power Ihc allegations regaiding
atrocities were somewhat vague and undetmed but the mam
giievaiices mas be biicflv examined I he Bivuh Mataiam

was sumi on olheid oceasions It was said thai the associ-

aiums of this soim were anti-Mu?lim Ihc song ocems in

Bankini ( handia (hattciiTs novel ‘ Ananda Math” which deals
with the struggle t>f Bhavananda, the hero of the story,
against the Muslim ptiwti in Bengal the Congiess agreed

to letairi onlv 'he lust two stanzas of the song but this did not
satisfy the Muslim agitators The use of the tricokmi Congiess
flag on official buildings was anothei atrocity Ihc contention of
the < ongiess was that the flag represi nU-d both the maior com¬
munities and had been the symbol ot the united hght ot the Indians

Mr JinnthN stiKnent diuJ Juh 26 in uim u> Babii Rajendra Piasads oiler

quoted in Somi Kt.Lcnt StHtchts and VVntinKS of Mi linnah

The Parting of the Wavs

against British imperialism The Wardha Scheme of Basic
Education was another grievance ft is to be observed that the
Committee which diatted this scheme was presided ovei by
Dr Zakii Hussain who was assisted by Khwaja G Sayyadam
Ihe Sv^heme was liicd with success m lamia Millia of Delhi a
Muslim institution, and olhei places I he League also took
cxcepMon to the ( ongiess attempt to win ovei the Muslim masses,
and It was alleged that this was intended to stille and destroy
Muslim cultuic Ihe Hindi-Lfrdu controversy was another item
m the list of atrocities

flic ( ongiess made one or two mistakes which weic magnified
and exp'oited bv the Muslim league Ihe I nited Piovmccs
Cabinet issued a cncular lettci to the District Ofticeis that they
shiHild co-operate and act in consiiliatinn with District C ongiess
(ommi'tces and its ofluc-bearcis Hits direction was issued cm
the gioimd that the Congress Cjosernmcnts wcie in the position
ol national Cut\ernmcn(s but thcie can be no doubt that the
direction was il'-adviscd At about this time tlie Shia>Sunni trouble
at I ucknow bcean and even this was utilized bN the 1 cagiie leadeis
loi their own puiposes It was alleged that the C oniiress had
brouulu about this tiouble bv cicatmg a split in the Muslim tanks
Mr Jmnah remaiked, ‘One cannot help noting in these unfoitu-
nale dcselopmcnls at Lucknow that those who ,iic icsponsible tor
leading rathci mislcadmti, sections oi both Shi.is and Sunnis in
the Iratricidal stuiggic are prominen* Muslim Ctmgiessitcs ” The
Hindu agitation in Hyderabad was asciibed to C ongress instigation

In Apiil 1938 the Muslim league appointed a Committee to
enquiie into the Congress oppression of Muslims and the icport
of this Committee, which came to be known as the Piipui Report,
was submitted on November I'?, 1938 In the meantime. Pandit
Nehru had been in conespondence with Mr Iinnah and had tiied
to cwolve a foimula on the basis of which the Congress and the
Muslim League could work together Mi Jmnah, however, was
extremely evasive He had now appointed himself as the sole
defender of Muslim lights m India and he set about achieving his
ends by developing an ever-increasmg proficiency in the art of
saymg “no”.

The fact of the matter is that the League, at this time, was
desperate. It had been knocking against a brick wall. Its
allegations of ill-treatment against the Congress Ministries could

Stern Reckoning

not be substantiated The Pirpur Report contained, at best, a
tew minor incidents which could easily be matched by happenings
of a much more seiious nature in the provmces of the Punjab and
Bengal where Muslim Ministries were in power No one but the
League members could be convinced ot the truth of the allegations
made against the Congress Ministiics The European Governors
of the provinces wheie the Congress was m power declared m
unequivocal terms that the administration of the Congress
Mimsteis had been singularly free from communal bias and that
they had performed their functions with complete impartiality
and justice Babu Rajcndra Prasad the President of the Congress,
offered to have the allegations regarding atrocities enquired mto
by the Chief Justice of India Mr Jinnah, however, declined this
offer and said that the matter was now in the hands of the Viceroy
But the League charges were neser investigated or adjudicated
upon by the Viceroy and the bogey ot Hindu oppression was kept
alive

It was at this juncture that the European war came as a
godsend to the League The Viceroy of India immediately
announced that India wa** also at war This was naturally
resented by the Congress as the Viceroy’s declaration was made
without previous consultation with the Central or Provincial
Legislatures or the Congress Ministries representing the vast body
of public opinion in the country

After careful consideiation and long deliberation the Congress
Working Committee came to the conclusion that the only course
open to them consistent with their honour and dignity, was to
call upon all the eight Congress Ministries to resign from office
As soon as this decision was implemented the Provincial
Governors suspended the Legislatures and took charge of the
administrative machinery under the provisions of section 93 of the
Government of India Act of 1935 The Muslim League was
jubilant and offered its co-operation in the war effort It was
decided to celebrate the end of the Congress rule by observmg
a Delnerance Day on Decembei 22 1939 On that day

resolutions weie passed at meetings called by the Mushm League
in various places At the same time nationalist Muslims orgamzed
counter-demonstrations

The Congress being now out ot power, the League began to
strain every nerve to climb into the seat of office The League
leaders realized that the Muslim Ministries m the Punjab and

The Pitting of the Ways

Bengal had achieved a great deal and if they had failed to achieve
more it was because they were not Muslim League Ministries ; and
the extremist Muslim leaders now began to think of some concrete
way of attaining their aims. They began to talk of the partition
of the country. Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan published a Zonal
Scheme.* This was not a part of the official Muslim League
programme but, in view of the Sikandar-Jinnah Pact of 1937, it
showed the direction in which the League politics were beginning
to travel. Up to this moment the League had refused to entertain
the idea of partition seriously ; but now, partly to mobilize mass
emotions and partly to use it as a lever for better bargaining, the
Muslim League passed the famous Pakistan Resolution at the
Lahore Session of the Muslim League Council on March 26, 1940.
the terms of which were:

“ 1. While approving and endorsing the action taken by the
Council and the Working Committee of the All-India Muslim
League as indicated in their resolutions dated the 27th of August,
17th and 18th of September and 22nd of October 1939 and 3rd of
February 1940 on the constitutional issue, (his Session of the
All-India Muslim League emphatically reiterates that the Scheme
of Federation embodied in the Government of India Act, 1935, is
totally unsuited to. and unworkable in the peculiar conditions of,
this country and is altogether unacceptable to Muslim India.

“ 2. It further records its emphatic view that while the
declaration dated the 18ih of October 1939 made by the Viceroy
on behalf of His Majesty's Government is reassuring in as far as
it declares that the policy and plan on which the Government of
India Act, 1935, is based will be reconsidered in consultation with
the various parties, interests and communities in India, Muslim
India will not be satisfied unless the whole constitutional plan is
reconsidered de novo and that no revised plan would be acceptable
to the Muslims unless it is framed with their approval and consent.

“ 3. Resolved that it is the considered view of this Session
of the All-India Muslim League that no constitutional plan would
be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims unless
it is designated on the following basic principle, viz., that
geographically contiguous units are demarcated into regions which
should be so constituted with such territorial readjustments as may
be necessary, that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically
in a majority as in the North-Western and Eastern Zones of India

* Thr scheme was expounded In the Provincial Assembly on March II, 1941. but
was conceived much earlier.

Stem Reikomng

should be grouped to constitute ‘ Independent States ’ in which the
Constituent Units shall be autonomous and soveieign

“That adequate effective and niandaloty safeguards should be
spccihcdlly piovided in the constitution loi minoiitics in these units
and in the regions for the protection of then religious, cultural,
economic, political administratise and other lights, and interests
in consultation with them and m other parts of India wheie the
Mussulmans aie in a mmoiity, adequate effective and mandatory
salcguatds shall be spccihcally piosided in the constitution lot them
and other mmoiitics toi the piotcction ol then religious, cultural,
economic political, administiatise and other rights ind inteicsts
111 ciMisultaiion with them

‘ This Session luithci aulhoii/cs the Woiking Committee to
frame a scheme of ( onstilulion m a.ciidancc witli these bisic
piinciplcs piovidnv’ lor the assumpiion linallv b\ the icspcctne
legions ol all powcis siuh as dcleiicc ».\lcinal alTaiis com¬
munication customs and such othci inatlcis is ma> lx nccessaiy ’

1 he teims ol the rtsolution wcic sague and imorphous in
the extieme fhcic was no mention of tht two nation iheoiv,
thoueh the sole lusiiluation loi paitition tested on Hindus and
Muslims being two distinct nations 1 lx woid Pakistan was
not mentioned and there was a siemhcanl iilcicncc to tciiffoiial
adiustnicnts whi h v\iic left nndclined

1 he Muslim Lcaeui s ollct ol coopcialion ind Mt linnalis
protessioii ol lovaltv prompted Loid I mlitheow to make ano'her
effort to resoKi the political deadlock Mr Imnah iinmediaicl>
made two demands In the Inst place he warned an assurance
that no constitution toi the futuic Government of India would
be flamed unless the Muslims who, according to him meant the
Muslim League or himsclt agreed In the second place, he
demanded that League rcpiesenttflion in the Viceroy’s I xecutive
( ouncil should be equal to Congress representation The Congress
could not accept Mr Jinnah’s claim to veto constitutional advance,
nor could it agiec to C’ongress-League panty in the Executive
Council The negotiations, theieforc, proved fiuitless, but Lord
Linlithgow on August 8, 1940, made the announcement that His
Majesty’s Government “ could not contemplate the transfer of then
present responsibilities to any system of Government whose
authority was directly denied by large elements m India’s national
life ” and that they “ could not be a party to the coercion of such
elements into submission to any such Government.” Mr Jinnah

The Parting of the Ways

had thus secured a very important point, in that he acquired the
right to place a veto on any political advance to which the rest
of the country may be agreeable. This episode prompted Edward
Thompson to observe that Mr. Jinnah was being treated as a kind
of Moslem Mahatma.

The Congress started individual civil disobedience in October
1940 and within a short time between twenty-five and thirty
thousand men and women were cither in prison or under detention.
In June 1941, Germany attacked Russia and then followed a time
of great anxiety for the Allied Nations. In December 1941 Japan
entered the war and, in the beginning of 1942, India saw the
dangers ot war lapidly approaching her boundaries Penang and
Singapore fell wiihm a short time and the Japanese moved through
Mala>a towards Burma and India. The Civil administiative
machinery in Burma bioke down completely and a laigc-scale
exodus ot Indians, Burmese and Europeans began The Indian
National Army under Subhas Bose presented another problem.
The Japanese made one or two air aUacks on Calcutta and Biitain
fell the urgency of doing something in order to mobilize Indian
resources, Indian opinion was at the time hostile. I he Congress
was agitating foi independence and a Constituent Assembly. The
Mushin League had asked for Pakistan even though the demand
did not appear to have been made serioudy. The fortunes of the
war on the Wcslcm front were shaping adversely, and American
anxiety was increasing. In these circumstances Sir Stafford Cripps,
a Socialist member of the British CoalPion Cabinet, was sent out
to India He arrived at the Karachi Airport on March 22, 1942,
and the next day gave a Press interview at which he slated that
he was a friend and admirer of India, that he had come for a
fortnight and could not slay longer and within this short time the
leaders must make quick decisions, and that the proposals which
he brought with him were the result of the unanimous deliberations
of the British War Cabinet, This take-it-or-leavc-it attitude
was neither conciliatory nor flattering to India’s self-esteem. He
announced his proposals on the radio on March 30. These
proposals, contained in a Stale Paper, dealt with the question of
the immediate transfer of power to Indians and a long-term
constitutional plan which would be taken up after the end of the
war. Gandhiji described the State Paper as a “ post-dated cheque. ”
drawn, according to a member of the Princely Order, on a “ crash¬
ing bank.” The Congress leaders felt depressed on reading these
3

Stern Reckoning

proposals as they contained seeds of disintegration For the first
time ** the right of any province of British India that was not
prepared to accept the new constitution, to retain its present
constitutional position ” was recognized The principle of non-
auession, in effect, meant conceding the demand for Pakistan. This,
however, was not the ground on which the Cripps Mission failed
The Congress were prepared to accept the proposals in so far as
the> related to the immediate transfer of power and when
Sir Stafford glibly talked of a “ Cabinet ” consisting of Indians and
a “Constitutional Viceroy,” the Congress opened negotiations in
a trustful and constructive mood there was difference of opinion
about the functions of the Defence Minister but, when these
differences showed signs of resolving, Cripps suddenly made a volte
face and began to talk ol the interests of the minorities At no
time during the discussions had the minority or communal ques¬
tions been mentioned, and the Congress President was naturally
surprised when, in his last letter, Cripps icfcrrcd to the dangers of
having a permanent and autocratic majority in the Cabinet”
Mr Nehi u who took a prominent part in these negotiations, refers
to this sudden change m these terms

“ And, then just when I was most hopeful, all manner of odd
things began to happen Lord Halifax, speaking somewhere in
the USA. made a violent aPack on the National C ongress Why
he should do so just then in tar America was not obvious, but he
could hardly speak in that manner, when negotiations were actually
going on with the Congress unless he represented the views and
policy of the British Ciovernment In Delhi it was well known
that the Vicero> loid Linlithgow, and the high oflicials of the
Civil Service were strongly opposed to a settlement and to a lessen¬
ing of their powers Much hapjDened, which was only vaguely
known ” * ^

The tact of the matter was that there was no intention ever to
transfer real power to India and Cripps had been sent to India at
the urgent request of Mr Roosevelt who understood the impli¬
cations of Indian unrest and sympathised with our aspirations
Mr Chuichill was opposed to this move f’’ora the beginning and
was able to defeat the project with the help of a reactionary
Viceroy and Commander-in-Chief Sir Stafford Cripps went
back to England and misrepiescntcd the whole episode by making
mcoriect statements about what had happened

* Jawihtrill Nthtu The I>i>>co\«.ry of Indii

The Parting of tfw Ways

The feeling of frustration in the country was intensified as the
conviition was borne in upon all right-thinking men that the
salvation of India could not be attained as long as the heel of
British imperialism continued to crush free thought and enterprise.
The Congress felt desperate and, as the monster of war approached
the doors of India, the temper of the people rose. There were
^ome who even welcomed the Japanese advance with a hope born
of spite and hatred of the British rule. In this mood of the people,
the AU-India Congress Committee met at Bombay on August 7
and 8, 1942, and after careful deliberation passed the “Quit India”
resolution which was nothing more than a “reasoned argument
for the immediate recognition of Indian freedom and the ending
of the British rule in India.” * Early on the morning of August 9,
large numbers of Congress leaders were arrested all over the
country.

Months of bitter struggle followed. Thousands of men and
women were sent to prison or kept in detention. The Government
at first took no action against the Muslims but the news of these
happenings agitated the Khudai Khidmatgars in the North-West
Frontier Province where they held demonstrations against the
Government. They were beaten, fircJ at, arrested and imprisoned
by the thousand. By March 1943, thirty-five thousand Congress¬
men were in prison and nearly twelve thousand in detention or
preventative custody. Mr. Jinnah disapproved of the Congress
resolution and tried to show that the Muslims had kept aloof from
these anti-British activities. He accused the Congress of “ ignoring
the Muslims.” t

Mr. Jinnah's one aim now was to strengthen his own position
by gathering the maximum amount of Muslim support for his idea
of Pakistan, With the Congress leaders behind bars he had
undisputed command of the political field. “Social cohesion,”
says Bertrand Russel, “demands a creed, a code of behaviour or
a prevailing sentiment.” Mr. Jinnah provided his followers with
all three. He gave them the creed of Muslim superiority implicit
in the idea of Pakistan, a code of anti-Congress and anti-Hindu
behaviour and a prevailing sentiment that Islam stood in danger
of perishing under Congress rule. To quote Bertrand Russel
again:

“In excited times, a politician needs no power of reasoning,
no apprehension of impersonal facts, and no shred of wisdom..

* Jiwah4ilil Nehru *■ Tbt Discovery of India"

Mr Jinnih’s address. u> the Muslim Federation at Bombav on Janua'v 24. 1943

Stern Reckoning

Whdt he mus>t have is the capacity ot persuading the multitude that
what they passionately desire is attainable, and that he, through his
rutli ess de^^erminalion, is the man to attain it ” *

Ihe times, indeed, wcic e\cited and unusual Danger from
outside combined with internal conditions ol food s-aicity helped
to spread discontent 1 he dishonesty and mcompetcncc of olRcials
and the ereed ot the business commiimty made matters worse The
Bengal I amine took a toll of nearly Ihiee million lives f The
acijvdics ol the pio League Muslim officials in the Supply
Departments cicaied a class of noiaeaux ndics Muslims who
identified their mteiests with the fortunes of the Muslim League
Ihe bouigeois elements had always dominated the 1 caguc counsels
and Pakistan contained a Iresh appeal to then self interest In
Pakistan there would be no nsk of competition from the luhei
and more expcticiiced Hindus Piomolions of Muslim Government
seivaiUs would be moic lapid All the higher appointments and
kev posts woull be in then bands Heir more efficient Hindu
colic igues 1 id alwajs stood in then jath and the onl> way foi
the Muslims to succeed was to oust the Hindu officers and step
into then plaec'- Ihc Muslim industiialists would have the field
tlcai to thLiii'-elves and tbeie would be no injurious competition
by the other eommuni'ies Ihe Hindus had captured a'niost the
cnlne business market ind a partition ot the country would mean
gieatci facilities to the Muslim industrialists and possibly S*atc
subsidies to them 1 his appeal to the pocket of the bourgeoisie
had the desired cile t and the League won the suppoit of almost
the entire Muslim middle class moie partieulari> of the men in
the services wl o pioved to be the staunchest protagonists of the
Lcagut 1 hi polibeal leidcis would have unchallenged sway in
Pakistan and as foi the masses Pakistan was a glorious dream, the
realization ot which was a matter of secondary importance It
fired their imagination and they converged aU their emotional
cneigies lowaids it without realizing its consequences To this was
added the prospect of acquiring the wealth of the non-Muslims
Ihc prospect of loot is not an unimportant factor in the success of
a leader's appeal As an instance of the emotional heat generated
we may quote the undertaking given bv Maulvi Mohammad
Bahadur Khan President of the India States Muslim League, at

• Bt uantl Riisst I Hir

t Ihi. Famine Cuinnissicn presided oser t>v Sir John Vvoodhead estin ated the number
ot dtuhs causid by the fimine at between hftcen and twenty Ukh> but the general opinion
was thit nearU thirty ULh if people died of starvation

The Parting of the Ways

the MusHm League Conference at Karachi in December 1943:

“1 solemnly pledge and bear you (Mr. Jinnah) and the
audience as my witness, I bear the air, the shining sun, the stars
and the moon and above all 1 bear God as ray witness that 1 will
sacrifice my life and everything at your command in the name
of God. I assure you that you Will never find me lag behind
even at the most difficult s^age of our struggle. Oaid-i-A/am, that
day will be ihe greatest day of my life when I shall have sacrificed
the last penny in my pocket and the last drop of my blood at the
ahar of God. (Voices from the meeting: ‘We are with you.’)
Today, wc do not want those people who want to effloresce into
fragrant sweet flowers on the ‘Tree of Millat.’ Wc want the
people who will spill their owm blood and gise their life for the
life ot the nation.”

Mr. Jmnah had no desire or intention to come to terms with
the Congress He maintained an arrogant and unbending atthude
towards a'l attempts at settlement. He refused even to formulate
concieic demands * as the giving of a definite shape would have
deprived Ptlkl^tan of its cnioUonal appeal, for the human emotion
IS seldom stirred by the contemplation ot a material substance or
a logical formula. The mastcily evasum and intransigence of
Mi Jiiinah prevented the Gandhi-Jmnah talks of September 1944
and ’he Simla Conference convened by Loid Wavcll in 1945 from
bringing about a satisfactory rapprochement between the parties.

The war in the West and in the Last ended and CMiurchill’s
Government in England was succeeded by a Labour Government,
possessing a clear majority »n the House of Commons. Indians
tried to shed their mistrust of British intentions and once more
turned hopeful eyes towards their ruleis. Iheii hopes and
expectations were reinforced by the compelling mllucnccs of world
conditions. America had once tried to intervene on bchalt of India
during the Cripps’ episode,t and was now expected to mould

* Mr Jinnih give an intmirw to the leprcvntative ot the Dnh Wnikti ot loiulon on
Octobei 5, l‘M4 He said ' To understind the Pakistan demand in its lull signihrancc it
IS to be borne in mind that six provinces nimely the N W (■ P , Biluchistin Sind and the
Punjab in the Noith-Wcst and Bengal and Assam in the Noith<Eist, ot this suo eonimcnt
hive a popu ation of seventy million Muslims and the total population ot Muslims would not
be less than 70 per cent Professor W C Smith his pointed out that this statement eitner
“does not mein what ii seems to mean or else Mr Jinnah cithei was Ivtng or was g'ossly
misintoimed.*’ tor aceording to the census of 1041. the Muslim popu ation of these six
provinces is only 55 23 per rent of the total population of these provinces

f Ihe pressure exercised by Mr Roosevelt upon the Bntish CoverinKit is said to
have been responsible to a great extent for Cnpps being sent to Indu When the
negotiations were drawing to a conclusion. Louis Johnson, the Personal Representative of
Mr Roosevelt, tried to Intervene but specific instrucuons n ccived from Mr Roosevelt
anived too late and Cupps had already departed

Stern Reckoning

British attitude towards Indian aspirations. The unrest in the
country showed signs of spreading and it was becoming increasingly
difficult to maintain a firm hold on, what Mr. Churchill called, the
most precious jewel in the British Crown. The trial of the Indian
National Army officers in the Delhi Fort revealed and gave wide
publicity to the story of a Provisional Government of free India,
fighting the British imperialist forces under the leadership of
Subhas ( handra Bose and fired the imagination of the masses.
Riots to protest against the sentences awarded to these officers
broke out in Calcutta in February 1946. A few days later the
mutiny of the Naval ra+ings in Bombay provoked sympathetic riots
in the cities <if Bombay and Calcutta. The Jubbulpore sepoys went
on strike in the end of February, and a week later the Victory
Day Celebrations in Delhi on March 7, were accompanied by hostile
demonstrations and riots, necessitating firing by the Ci\dl and
Military police. The economic position deteriorated every day.
A Parliamentary Delegation representing all political parties in
Britain came to India and, after an extensive tour of observation
and discussion, returned to tngland. They conveyed their
impressions to the British Government. On February 19, the
British Prime Minister announced that “three Cabinet Ministers
are going to India to discuss with leaders of Indian I'pinion the
framing of an Indian Constitution."

It had been decided to hold fresh elections for the Cential
and Provincial Legislatures and this provided the Muslim League
with an unparalleled opportunity for exacerbating communal
feelings. The winter ot 1945-46 stands out as an era of hate and
bitterness. The election campaign of the Muslim League was
one .sustained and uncompromising attack on everything and
everyone that did niit fall in line with the League ideology. It
was not a political fight but a fight in jvhich the sole attempt of
the Muslim League was to arouse communal passions and wo^'k
up the religious frenzy of the ignorant and superstitious masses.
Sajjada Nashins, Pirs and religious leaders of the fanatical school
were impressed into service and sent out to propagate the creed
of hate. The voters were warned against the kafirs and they were
told that voting for a nationalist Muslim was a sin that could not
be expiated. Five times a day, after prayers in the mosques,
Fatwas were read out that Unionists (in the Punjab) and nationalist
Muslims were enemies of Islam and working as spies of the Hindu
Congress; and, therefore, anyone casting a vote in their favour

The Parting of the Ways

would be excommunicated. It was announced that inasmuch
as voting for a non-Leaguer was tantamount to kufr the voter's
marriage would stand automatically dissolved. One or two voters
who died during the elections were actually refused burial in the
Muslim graveyards. The effect of this propaganda on the illiterate
rural masses may well be imagined. District olBcials, school
teachers, postmen, subordinate Revenue staff, all worked day and
night to influence the minds of the Muslim voteis and work up
their emotions by these devices The Muslim press carried on a
ruthless campaign of hate and anli-Hmdu propaganda and its
vitriolic utterances whipped up mass hysteria among the Muslims.

'I hese threats and intimidations wcie completely successful.
The Muslim League secured all the Muslim scats in the Central
Assembly and a vast majority of the seats in the Provincial
Assemblies. The analysis of voting, however, shows that nationalist
Muslims secured more than onc-fourth of the total Muslim votes
cast. In wSind, they obtained 32 per cent and in the Punjab 30
per cent of the total Muslim votes.* It is instructive to observe
that the Muslim League votes were only 17 per cent of the total
votes (a'l parties) cast. The demand for Pakistan was. therefore,
supported by less than onc-fifth of those who went to the polls.

’Ihc League was. however, exultant and victor> celebiations
were held throughout India. Mr. Jinnah declared that the League
bad sccuied not less than 90 per cent of the Muslim votes.
Mr Abdul Hamid Khan of Madras claimed that 99 per cent
Muslims were lor Pakistan.’*' The anti-Hindn campaign increased
in intensity and the specv^hes at the Convention of the Muslim
League Legislators held in Delhi in the beginning of April
contained wholly unnecessary and unjustifiable attacks on Hindus.
The resolution passed at this Convention described the Hindu
Caste System as “ a direct negation of nationalism, equality, demo¬
cracy and all the noble ideas that Islam stands for.” Khan Abdul
Oaiyum Khan threatened that the Muslims would take out the
sword if Pakistan were not conceded. Hindus were referred to
as enemies; reason and moderation were thrown to the winds and
abusive epithets pushed to the superlative degree were freely
employed.

* The Mu&’im league polled 4^01,1% \otes wh'lc the non-Leaftuc Mu&luns polled
1^ 86.192 votes Ihc tola’ number of votes cast was 2,h3,SS.8^3 “ Mitra's Annual Register

—1946. Vol 1 Ian-June”

t The Mus im League Icadtra have never shown any respect for truth Mr Jinnah
his given the number of Muslims in India as eighty millions, ninety millions and one
hundred mi lions on vtrtous cctisions as it suited him See also page 29

Slern Reckoning

On March 15. 1946, Mr. Attke, in amplification of his
announcement of February 19, stated that the Cabinet Delegation
was ready to leave for India. He declared that it was the intention
of His Majesty’s Go\cmnient to help India “to attain her freedom
as speedily and as fully as possible.” He added that while
“mindful of the rights of minorities” who should be “able to
live free from fear,” the BriHsh people “cannot allow a minority
to p’acc a veto on the advance of the majority.” This statement
indicated a new orientation in British policy and when the Cabinet
Delegation arrived at Karachi on March 23, 1946, expectation
ran high After pr('longcd discussions with the leaders of various
parties it was found that no agreement wa*? possible, and on May
16, 1946, the Dcicgatum, with the approval of His Majesty’s
Government in the I'nilcd Kingd(>ra, published a Statement by
way of an award. This Slaieracnt gave reasons for not acceding
to the demand fi>r the partition of India and contained a short-term
and a long-term Plan 1 he *‘hort-lcrm Plan provided for the
formation of an Interim Goveinment consisting of Indians. This
meant immediate transfei of power to Indian hands. The long¬
term Plan provided for the fianting of a constitution on certain
lines. The provinces of India were divided into three groups.
Group A consisted of the Hindu majority provinces of Madras,
Bombay, United ProviiKc-, Bihar, Central Provinces and Orissa;
Group B consisted of the three Muslim majority provinces in the
North-West, namely, the Punjab, North-West Frontier Province
and Sind * v\hi c Group C comprised the provinces of Bengal and
Assam I’he provinces were given the right to opt out of their
particular Group m accordance with the provisions contained in
the Statement I he Groups would have complete autonomy in
dealing with all subjects save three, vi/.. Defence, Communications
and Foreign Affairs which would be administered by the Centre.
This .scheme preserved the unity of India and at the same time
presented Mr. Jinnah with a modified Pakistan. The .scheme was
considered by the Woiking Committees of the Congress and the
Muslim League. The Congress Working Committee, by a reso¬
lution pas».ed on May 24, 1946, asked for some further clarification
of the scheme envisaged by the Statement. The Working
Committee of the Muslim League decided to accept the entire
Statement on June 5, and Mr. Jinnah communicated this decision
to the Viceroy. The Congress was willing to accept the portion
of the Statement relating to the long-term Plan if the question of

The Parting of the Ways

opting out was clarified but was doubtful about the wisdom of
joining the Interim Government on the proposed terms On June
16, 1^46 the Viceroy and the Cabinet Delegation issued another
Statement announcing that the Viceroy intended to issue invita¬
tions to a number ot persons asking them to serve as Members
of the Intcnm Government Clause 8 of this Statement which
became a matter of contention was as follows

“ In the event of two major parties or either of them proving
iinwilliqg to join in the setting up of a Coalition Government on
the abo\c lines, it is the intention of the Viceroy to proceed with
the formation of the Interim Government which will be as lepre-
scntativt as possible of those willing to accept the Statement of
Mdv J6 '

Mr finnah had already communicated to the Viceroy his
icccptancc of the May 16 Statement I he Muslim League was,
therefore eligible to sci\c on the Interim Government The
Coiu^e s was hcs'tdt.n^ and Mr Jinnah hoped that they would
refuse Loid Wasell’s oiiginal plan was to have an Interim
CJO^cnlmtnt of lwel\c members five drawn from the Muslim
Lti^uc li\c from the Congress, one from the Sikh community
and one In fian Chiistian or Anglo-Indian If the Congress
decide i to join the Interim Government Mr Iinnah had an even
thaixt of -.ccuring a majorilv and having the decisive voice in
everything He had several times courted the favour of the
Christians and the Anglo-Indians and had been holding extensive
pouipallets with the Sikh leaders If, on the other hand, the
Congiess refused Mr Jinnah hoped, undei the icims of clause 8
quoted above to be in sole charge of the Interim Government

I^ird Wav ell revised his original scheme of twelve members
of the Interim Govcinmcnt by adding a thirteenth to be drawn
from the Scheduled Castes I he Statement of June 16 envisaged
an Executive Council of fouitecn memberMi Jinnah took
stiong exception to these changes as they decreased his chances
of outvoting tlie Congress members His hope of Congress refusal,
howevci sustained him On June 25, 1946, the Congress Work¬
ing Committee came to a final decision and this decision was
conveyed to the Viceroy the same day The Congress had
accepted the long-term Plan placing their own mterpretation on
the clause relating to opting out, but expressed their inability to
“ accept the proposals for the formation of an Interim Government
as contained in the Statement of June 16” Lord Wavell called
Mr Jinnah and appiised him of the exact situation Mr Jinnah

Stern Reckoning

was told that the formation of the Interim Government would be
postponed for the present but that the Government when formed
would be a Coalition Government in which the Congress would
have a share. Mr. Jinnah’s annoyance knew no bounds. He had
thought that his adroit moves had brought him to a position from
which he could hope to have a decisive say in all matters con¬
cerning the Government of India. He argued that because the
Congress had not accepted the Statement of May 26, in its
entirety, it had disqualilied itself from participating in the short¬
term Plan. The Viceroy should not therefore postpone the
formation of the Interim Government but should, according to the
provisions of clause 8 of the Statement of June 16, proceed imme¬
diately to appoint the personnel of his Executive Council from
the Muslim League Party. The Viceroy, however, was not willing
to form a Government from which the majority party representing
more than 75 per cent of the people of India was excluded. Mr.
Jinnah accused the Viceroy of breach of faith, reminded him that
“ Statesmen should not eat their words ” and told him that in the
altered circumstances, the Muslim l^*aguc could not offer its
co-operation.

^ -H *

Reference has been made to the provision regarding the
question of opting out by the provinces from the various Groups.
At this stage this matter may be examined briefly as it fonned
the subject-matter of controversy between the Congress and the
British Government on the one hand and the Congress and the
Muslim League on the other. Clause 15(5) of the State¬
ment of May 16 provided that “Provinces should be
free to form Groups with Executive and Legislatures and each
Group could determine the Provincial subjects to be taken in
common.” The procedure for optitjg out was laid down in
clause !*!(%) and (viii): '

“(v) These sections shall proceed to settle the Provincial
Constitutions for the Provinces included in each section, and shall
also decide whether any Group Constitution shall be set up for
those Provinces and, if so, with what provincial subjects the Group
should deal. Provinces shall have the power to opt out of the
Groups in accordance with the provisions of sub-clause (viii)
below

“(viii) As soon as the new constitutional arrangements have
come into operation, it shall be open to any Province to elect to

The Parting of the Ways

come out of any Group in which it has been placed. Such a deci¬
sion shall be taken by the new Legislature of the Province after
the first general election under the new Constitution.”

The question at once arose whether a province like the
North-West Frontier Province, placed in Section B, or Assam,
which was placed in Section C, would have the right to opt out of
the Section assigned to it before the new elections under the new
Constiiulion or after The Congress Workmg Committee took
the view that under clause 15(5) provinces were free to form
Groups and this meant that a province could choose the Group
which it wanted to join before the new elections. It was also
claimed that the Constituent Assembly would be a sovereign body
and would be at liberty to alter any rule of procedure laid down
by the Cabinet Mission Plan 1 he Congress President wrote to
Loid Pethick Lawrence on May 20, 1946, drawing attention to
these two points He said. “The Assembly itself, when formed,
will in my Committee’s opinion be a sovereign body for the
purpose ot diattmg the Constitution unhindered by any external
authont) Fuithcr, that it will be open to the Assembly to
vaiy in any way it iikes the iccommendalions and the procedure
suggesteil by the Cabinet Delegation ” With regard to the question
of opting, he said

“ In youi recommendations foi the basic torm of the
Constitution you state tha» provinces should be free to form
Groups with executive and legislatures .. Latci on in the
Statement, how'evei, on page 5 you stale that the piovincial
rcprescmativcs to the Constituent Assembly will divide up into
three Sections and these Sections shall pioceed to settle the
Provincial Constitutions for the provinces in each Section and
shall also decide whether any Group Constitution shall be set up
for these provinces There appears to us to be a marked
discrepancy in these two separate provisions. The basic provision
gives full autonomy to a province to do what it likes and subse¬
quently there appears to be a certain compulsion in the matter
which clearly infringes that autonomy ”

The attitude of the Congress was based on democratic
principles and was prompted, to a large extent, by fears regarding
the fate of the North-West Frontier Province and of Assam where
the Congress Ministries were in power. Section B had a total
strength of 35 members in the Constituent Assembly. Of these
only three represented the North-West Frontier Province and it

Stern Reckoning

was clear that if the North-West Frontier Province were com¬
pelled to go into Section B, before the framing of the Constitution,
the voice of the province would carry no weight whatsoever. The
Constitution of wSection B might, therefore, be framed in such a
way that it would become impossible for the North-West Frontier
Province to opt out and join Group A. This could be done by
changing the nature of the c’eclorate or by imposing disabilities
upon candidates for the Assembly. Similarly, in Section C there
were 71) members of the Constituent Assembly and of these only
10 were assigned to Assam and they would be outvoted by the
Bengal members

I he Congress and the Muslim League saw the mischief
pregnant in the procedure laid down for opting out and, while the
Congress took exception to it, the Muslim League was gratified.
Mr .Tinnah saw that the scheme would I'ertainly enable him to get
the Provinces of Noith-West Frontier and Asmui in the two
Sections which would virtually comprise Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah’s
attdiide m this matter was on a par with his demand lhat in order
lo determine whcthci a certain province wanted to join Pakistan
or not a plebiscite ol the Mus'im voters alone should be held
rather ‘ban a iclciendum in which voters of all communities were
free lo exptess their wishes It was for this reason that the
Congress Working Committee insisted on the contradiction
involved in ’he basic provisions of the long-term Plan contained
in the Statement of May 16 and sub-clause (viii). When the
matter was debated m the Kousc of Commons on July 18,
Sir Stdlforcl Cripps inainiained that “ it was an essential feature of
the scheme that the provinces should go into the Sections.” In
Scptcmbei. Assam decided not to enter Section C\ and it appeared
that theic was no way of resolving the deadlock before December
9, on which date the Constituent Assembly was due to meet
fow'ards the end of November Indian leaders were invited lo
London to discuss the matter with His Majesty’s Government
The discussii'ii, however, failed to bring about a settlement and
» the Biitish Government declared that the interpretation accepted
by the League was the con eel one The Congress olTcr of referring
the matter lo the Federal Court of India was rejected, and it was
not ti 11 Lord Mountbatten drew up his Plan of June 3, 1947, lhat
the matter was finally disposed of. This episode shows clearly
that while the Congress took its stand on democratic principles
^ and insisted that a province should have the right to choose its

The Parting of the Wayi^

destiny, the Muslim League and the Bntish Government introduced
dn element ot compulsion to ensure that the North-West Frontier
Province and Assam should join Sections B and C respectively.

I he Cabinet Delegation left ^ India on June 29 It was
announced that they would leporl to the British Parliament on
July 18 Ml Jinnah now began to search for a weapon with which
he could adequate y take his icvcngc and asseit his individuality
and power He had dec^aied in Match that Iheic was a change ot
outlook in tl c Muslim League and that Muslims no longer talked
of a nicie constitutional tight The Pakistan demand had been
reiterated a» the Muslim League legislators Convention m the
beginning ot April and as we have seen, the speakers had poured
out their anti-Hinclu venom in the most violent (cims There had
been talk of diiCct awtion as early as 1943 In the course of the
debate in Pailiament on Jul> 18 the Secretary ot State for India,
m the House ot Lords, and Sii Stalford Cupps, m the House of
Commons, attributed the tailuie ot negotiations to the intransigence
ot Mr Jinnah I his only he ped to add fuel to the already lacitig
lire Ml linnah had called a meeting of thi Muslim League
Council at Bombay on July 29, 1946 and this Council passed two
lesolutions one withdrawing the acceptance ol the C''abmet pio-
posals and ibe other sanctioning direct action Accoidmg to the
hist resolution, “the participation ot the Muslims in the pioposcd
constitution-making machmeiy is fraught with danger and the
Council, therefore, heicby wirhdiaws its acceptance of the Cabinet
Mission’s proposals ’’ The text of the second resolution on Dircwt
Action was as follows

“ Whereas the AM-lndia Mus im League has today resolved
to reject the proposals embodied in the Statement of the Cabinet
Delegation and the Viceroy da<ed May 16, 1946, due to the
mtiansigence of the Congress on the one hand and the breach of
faith with the Muslims by the British Government on the other,

“And Whereas Muslim India has exhausted without success
all efforts to find a peaceful solution of the Indian problem by
compromise and constitutional means , And Whereas the Congress
IS bent upon setting up a Caste Hindu Raj in India with the
conmvance of the British, And Whereas lecent events have
shown that power politics and not justice and fair play are
deciding factors in Indian affairs .

Stern Reckoning

“And Whereas it has become abundantly clear that the
Muslims of India would not rest content with anything less than
the immediate establishment of an independent and full sovereign
State of Pakistan and would resist any attempt to impose any
constitution, long-term or short-term, or setting up of any Interim
Government at the Centre without the approval and consent of the
Muslim League, the Council of the All-India Muslim League is
convinced that now the time has come for the Muslim nation to
resort to Direct Action to achieve Pakistan and to get rid of the
present slavery under the British and contemplated future Caste
Hindu domination.

“ This Council calls upon the Muslim nation to stand to a
man behind their sole representative organisation,—the All-India
Muslim League and be ready for every sacrifice.

“ This Council directs the Working Committee to prepare
forthwith a programme of direct action to carry out the policy
initiated above and to organize the Muslims for the coming
struggle to be launched as and when necessary.

“ As a protest against and in token of their deep resentment
of the attitude of the British, this Council calls upon the
Mussulmans to renounce forthwith the titles conferred upon them
by the Alien Government.”

In (in c^nhnsiastK jiublic mectiny uUh aJiose purpose
one ts in '■ipiputhu, Uilk is a sense of exaltulion, combined
u ith uuirnth nnd sirKty the ernoiion irhich is shared qiou'S
more and m >re init use unti' it ciouds out a’l other feelinqs
an fiultont sfuse of pnwci pioduced by the
muliiplicatioii oj the ogo Caller tn c excitement i$ a delicious
intoticdun in ulnch samty, humanity, and even self-
prtsttintim au easily toigotten, and in uhich atrocious
masi>acrt>s and heroic ninrtipdom arc equally possible

BFRTRA^D RtJSSfLI- PoiCCl

Non let It iLor , iinschut, thou aii afoot
Tal e 1ho>i ivhaf course thou un't >

SHAKTSPFAKi' Jll’lUS CtPSur

CHAPTER TWO

DIRECT ACTION DAY AND AFTER

(i)

Thk decision was made and the die was cast. The League
leaders announced in no uncertain terms that the two resolutions
passed at the Bombay Session of the Council on the July 29, 1946,
were intended to be a clarion-call to their followers and a
challenge to then enemies. There were “ scenes of unparalleled
enthusiasm ”* irtside the Kaisai Bagh where this “ most historic
act ” was performed. Outside, on the road, a small crowd of
enthusiastic Muslims wailed expectantly, huddled together beneath
a canopy of umbrellas, while the ram poured down in a steady
fine drizzle, minonng their mud bespattered shoes in the
maeadami/ed surface of the road. The meaning and purport of
“ Direct Action ’’ were not left in doubt It meant “ good-bye to
constitutional methods," the "forging of a pistol" and using it
Mr Jinnah declaied “What we hd\e done today is the most
historic a*.! in our history. Ne\ei have we ui the whole history
of the League done anything exjcpt by constitutional methods and
by constituihuialism Bui now we are obliged and foiccd into
this position I his day we bid good-bye to constitutional methods."
file applause which accompanied this declaration encouraged
Mr Jmnah to add that ht did not believe in equivocation and
meant every woid of what he said He concluded his speech by
qiitning a couplet of the Persian poet Fiidausi in a loud voice
resonant with passion

"// \ON seek pcaie vw' r/o not want war

Dm li ^on want wmr wc will accept it unhesitatnnih."

"The quotation was drowned in vociferous shouting of
League slogans and cheers." f

The Congress might be content to bask in the halo of a self-
denying ordinance or struggle on as best it could through the
quagmire of constitutionalism and nationalism, the I eague had
chosen to forge ahead with rapid strides towards the seat of power
and glory. The means adopted or the cost incurred were matters

♦ Ihc JDdH/i ^u(^ust 10, 1946
f I ml

Stern Reckoning

of secondary consideration. Not for Mr. Jinnah or his acolytes
the way of peace or true democracy. They had openly abjured
the democratic ideal as a phantom wholly unsuited to Indian
conditions.* What they really meant was that they could not rely
on a democratic vote to give them absolute power and position.
The petulant impatience of Mr. Jinnah could not brook the delays
and uncertainties of a lawful path. He had seen fanatical
audiences vibrate to the sound of his not unmusical voice. He had
silenced refractory ciilicism with an upraised finger or a stern
look. While yet in his teens, he had successfully conducted an
election campaign in England on behalf of Dadabhoy Naroji, the
Parsi canilidate loi the British House of Commons. Since his
establishment as the bead of the All-Jndia Muslim League in 1937,
he had, within his narrow sphere, wielded all the powers of a
dictator in steadily incieasing measure.t With consummate skill
he had manoeuvred himself into a seemingly unassailable position
fiom w'hich all the power and prestige ot the C’ongress could not
dislodge him. In the last chapter we saw how Mr. Jinnah
demanded his right to form an Interim Government without the
Congress, and how this demand was rejected by the Viceroy. To
be thus frustrated when the fruit of his toils was almost within
his grasp was a distressing mortification. His disappointment and
chagrin on this occasion were deeper and more galling than in
1937 when the powers exercised by the Congress Ministries under
the Government ot India Act of 1935 were neither so extensive
nor so full-blooded as the declaration of the Cabinet Mission in
1946 seemed to adumbrate Methods of peaceful negotiations
had failed to bung Mr. Jinnah to the pinnacle of his ambition,
so now he unhesitatingly turned to fanatical violence and decided
to ’aunch a crusade against the so-called oppression ot the Bania-
Bntish alliance He made a call for Direct Action. It was the
commencement of Operation Pakistan 4n dead earnest.

After the emotional outbursts in Kaisar Bagh, Mr. Jinnah
was asked by a pi ess representative if the resolutions passed by
the League Council ruled out the scope Of negotiations. He
retorted “What aie the other nations doing? Armed to the

* Ml Jinnih (1islii>.u.j this thiMs in an aititlt wnttcn f ii “lime and Tide" issu-d
iroin Ntw Oeihi on Kbiiiaii H I<l4<i He expressed ttir opinion that Western Dcmocraty
wis totilU unsiiitcd to Indn and that us imposition on itidfa was a disease in the body
politic

^ At the open session ot the Al-Indii Muslim league held in Delhi, in April, 11143.
Mr Jinnih was aiithoii/ed to • take tvtrj step m action as he mav consider ncces!>arv In
turihenncc ot and rol iiing to the obieets ot the Muslim 1 caguc as be deems proper"
also Note (i) to Chtpici II in Appendix I

Direct Action Day and After

teeth with a*om bombs, are they not going on talking and dis¬
cussing ? Are they not at the same time going on with
preparations to put down any party they like ? Why do you
want me (the League) alone to sit with folded hands. 1 am also
going to make preparations to meet the situation as and when it
arises.” Asked if the proposed Direct Action would be violent
or non-violent, Mr. Jinnah said, “1 am not going to discuss
ethics.”*

Mr. Liaqual All Khan told the Associated Press of America
that Direct Action meant ” resorting to non-constitutional methods,
and that can take any form and whatever form may suit the
conditions under which we live.” He added, “ We cannot eliminate
any method. Direct Action means any action against the law.”
Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar was reported to have said that Pakistan
could only be achieved by shedding blood and. if opportunity
arose, the blood of non-Muslims must be shed, for “ Muslims are
no believers in ahimsa*’ Khwaja Nazirauddin declared that
Lcagueis were not pledged to non-violence.

This was the interpretation of ” Direct Action ” given by the
leaders themselves. The lower orders of the League hierarchy
and the rank and tile of Mus.Mm masses heard what their leaders
said and knew what was expected of them. Months of insidious
propaganda and the emotional excitement of religious fanaticism
had filled their minds with jealousy and hatred. The two-nation
theory had been <linned into their ears till they came to believe
that Congress rule meant Hindu tyranny and the total annihilation
of Muslim culture. It was lelt that Islam itself was in immediate
danger of perishing. The unruly elements who flourish on the
fears of the timid during times of lawlessness, and hope to reap
a harvest ol loot and plunder, were straining at the leash, and the
decision of July 29 was the tiist definite signal for action and
a pointer m the direction towards which they had to proceed.

The world at large heard these utterances and felt dismayed.
The Western nations had just emerged from the throes of the most
murderous war that history has ever known, and still lay panting
and exhausted. China was engaged in a fratricidal combat which
seemed interminable. Palestine was developing into an incurable
cancer. The United Nations had failed to solve satisfactorily a
single problem--economic, social or political--arising out of the

StalevnoH, August 1. 1946

44 Stern Reckoning

* ^

Second World War; smd the killing was yet going on oii the
continent of Asia, And now the Muslim League had openly and
deliberately spumed the way of peaceful negotiation, and decided
to have recourse to violent and unlawful means. The decision
could not fail to evoke resentment and dismay. The non-Muslims
in India were appalled at this scarcely veiled threat; the British
press was all but unanimous in condemning the step taken by
Mr. Jinnah. The Manchester Guardian ascribed the event to
Mr. Jinnah’s anger and disappointment because the Viceroy would
not let him form, the Interim Government without the Congress.'
According to the News Chronicle, “there could be no excuse for
the wi'd language and the abandonment of negotiations which
marked ” the meeting of the League Council. It asked, “ What
precisely docs Mr. Jinnah think he will achieve by embracing
violence and at a moment when so substantia] a part of his claim
has been conceded ? Does he think that communal strife will
benefit India or even the Muslim part of India ? He has only
to look at other parts of Asia to see what lies at the end of that
journey.” The News Clmmkle concluded on a note of despair,
“it is hopeless, of course, if Mr. Jinnah is wedded to complete
intransigence, if. as now seems the case, he is really thirsting for
a holy war.” Other papers expressed similar views.

We have drawn attention to the comments of the British
Press in order to show that those who read the terms of the Bom¬
bay resolutions and the speeches delivered in their support were
under no misconception regarding the aims and intentions of the
League. They believed, and rightly so, that Mr. Jmnah was
virtually declaring a civil war in India.*

The details of how the Day of Direct Action was to be
observed had now to be worked out. Mr. Jinnah and Khwaja
Nazimuddin, when questioned on this point immediately, after the
Bombay session, said that they were not prepared to say anything
about the matter. Within a few days, however. Khwaja Nazi¬
muddin was able to say that the Muslim population of Bengal
knew very well what “ Direct Action ” would mean.f

Immediate stfcps were taken to implement the momentous
decision arrived at. A Council of Action was appointed to draw
up a programme of Direct Action and devise ways and means of

• Ml Suhiawa dy at the Conicniion of iht Muslim League Legialatora had said: "We
stand for one leader, one voice one aim is Faki&un our last demand 1 I will not attempt
to give an ansner but ttiat it our latest demand ... If you wage war aaataist ua 1 am
not prepared to forecast the future.”

t AmrUa BavfOf Patiika. August 13, 1946.

Direct Action Day and After

carrying it through. The meetings of this Council of Action
were naturally secret but the results of deliberations conducted
behind closed doors, were made manifest a few days later by the
events which provided the overture to a long and horrible drama.
To these secret conclaves came Khan Iftikhar Hussain Khan of
Mamdot, President of the Punjab Muslim League and later the
Premier of the West Punjab, and Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan,
the impulsive but ambitious son of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan. He
had been found guilty of corrupt practices and dimissed from the
post of a Minister by Sir Khi/ar Hayat Khan and was anxious to
resuscitate his lost reputation. Subsequent events showed that
he had not succeeded in curbmg his wayward tendencies and
thcie IS at present* a proposal to prosecute him for offences com¬
mitted when he again became a Minister in West Punjab. Begum
Shdh Nawaz, the daughter of Sir Mohammad Shaft who had
bioken away from Mr Jinnah and chosen to co-operate with the
British Government at the Round Table Conference, was another
Punjabi who attended these meetings. Mr. I. I. Chundrigar
President ot the Bombay Provincial Muslim League and now a
Minister of the Pakistan Government, represented Bombay,
while Mr H. S Suhrawardy, the Chief Minister of Bengal,
spoke on behalf of the more important of the two League
Ministnes in India at the time.

A great deal of thought and argument went to shape the deci¬
sion of the League leaders. It was finally decided that Calcutta
should be the venue of the opemng scene of the dark drama which
the whole of India was to witness during the course of the next
sixteen months and for this decision there were very good
reasons

There were, at this time, only two League Ministries in India,
namely, Bengal and Sind. The position in Sind was not at all
satisfactory from the League point of view. Sir Ghulam Hussain
Hidayatullah felt extremely insecure m his position as Provincial
Premier. He had successfully evaded a censure motion but
another had been tabled and it was feared t];iat the opposition
might carry it through.i Moreover, the Sind Governor had been
interfenng m the day-to-day admimstration of the province: and
the Ministry, therefore, did not feel that they could undertdice to
carry out a programme of Direct Action successfully. Bengal,
on the other hand, had a powerful League Ministry with

1949

T See page 241 in Chapter V

46 Stern Reckoning

Mr. Suhrawar^y at its head, and in him the Qaid*i-Azam saw a
most efficient instrument for executing his design. Suave of appear¬
ance and urbane in his manners, he was a clever politician. He
accepted Mr. Jinnah as his leader because, in this course, he saw
a splendid opportunity for furthering his own interests. He
possessed the necessary skill for provoking a controversy and
then turning the situation to his own advantage. He was capable
of starting a large-scale and gruesome massacre in Calcutta and
then afterwards associating himself with Mahatma Gandhi*s
peace mission. He was seen to interfere in the working of the
police in the Control Room but, when charged with procrastina¬
tion and criminal neglect, he pleaded that the Commissioner of
Police had declined to carry out his orders for restoring peace,
and sought shelter behind the wording of section 9 of the Police
Act which entrusted “the exclusive direction and control” of the
Police Force to the Commissioner of Police. As head of the
Government in Bengal he refused to issue petrol coupons to the
Muslim League lorries but as a Muslim Leaguer he issued
supplementary petrol coupons for hundreds of gallons to the
Ministers individually and to himself. This petrol was later used
to transport Muslim rioters on Direcf Action Day.* He was
capable of issuing a statement to the Associated Press of India
on the evening of August 16 that conditions were improving
when things had been going from bad to worse throughout the
city. When questioned on this point later he denied that he had
issued such a statement. On August 23, speaking on the radio,
he urged the people of Bengal to live in peace and brotherly
affection, and within half an hour sent out a special message to
the correspondents of the foreign Press which wholly contradict¬
ed his radio broadcast. It was probably on his advice that Cal¬
cutta was selected for starting a large-scale assault upon the non-
Muslims. Khwaja Nazimuddin was an even more conscientious
Muslim Leaguer. He was more forthright than Mr. Suhrawardy
and was far more hostile to the Hindus. He had more experience
of administrative matters and his advice and assistance were of
inestimable value ^n drawing up the programme for the Direct
Action Day and in implementing it. He reaped his reward later
by succeeding Mr. Jinnah as the Governor-General of Pakistan.

The position of Bengal and, more particularly, of Calcutta
was extremely important from the League point of view. Bengal

* Dr Shvaraaprasiid Mukerjee, sptakinR in support of a no-conficience motion in the
Bcngil Lemslatue Asscmtil} on September 20. 1446. said, “ Tvidcncc is available that these
coupons were used by lorries moving m Calcutta on those tatelul davs ’’

Direct Action Day and After

was a Muslim majority province with a Muslim population of
54.3 per cent (1941). The eastern districts had a preponderance
of Muslim population while, in the western districts, the Hindus
were in a majority. This circumstance had persuaded Lord
Cur/on to effect a partition of the province in 1905. There was
considerable Hindu agitation against this measure, and when, in
1911, the partition was annulled, the Muslims looked upon the
decision of the British Government as a wholly unjustifiable
surrender to the Hindu desire for domination and a betrayal of
the pledges given to the Muslims. The large Muslim majority
area of East Bengal-r//m*Assam where the Muslims m|ght have
attained economic domination was broken up and the Muslims
of East Bengal were relegated to a subordinate position. They
had to contend with the greater ability and experience of the
Hindu business men and the better educational qualifications of
the Hindu candidates for Government posts. Economic interests
weie identified with religious persuasion and the Muslims felt
that in the re-united Bengal they could not win the prize of power
and money with their only slightly superior numerical strength.
The solution which presented itself was some form of political
readiustment which would reflect correctly the census figures.
The Government of India Act of 1935 was scarcely a sovereign
remed>, for according to its provisions the Muslims obtained only
117 scats in a Legislature of 250. To give effective protection to
British business interests the Europeans and the Anglo-Indians
were given a much larger representation than their numbers
warranted. In 1946 they had as many as 29 seats in the Assembly
whereas they comprised scarcely one per cent of the total
population. The Muslims had been allotted only 119 seats. The
Muslims could no doubt depend on European and Ango-Indian
votes but their uncertain support could not be accepted as a com¬
plete panacea for all time and for all the ills with which the
Muslims imagined themselves to be afflicted. In this set-up of
things Calcutta occupied a position of special importance. It
stood on the common line which divided the Muslim and Hindu
majority areas and. when the partition of Bengal was being
effected for the second time in 1947, the contending parties fought
for the prize of this rich city with all the vigour at their com¬
mand. “in Calcutta Hindus predominate in numbers, com¬
mercial and professional wealth and experience, and resources
and organization; but the course of events since the re-union of

Stern Reckoning

Bengal has made Calcutta the richest prize in what is now
a Muslim majority province.*

Another reason why the choice fell upon Calcutta was that
there had been a most unfortunate weakening of the authority
responsible for maintaining law and order. Calcutta had in
recent years witnessed large-scale breaches of the peace and these,
together with the political change in the administrative machinery,
had undermined the prestige and power of the authorities. In
November 1945 the agitation against the trial, by Court-Martial
in Delhi, of certain members of Subhas Bose’s Indian National
Army had resulted in a clash with the police. The demonstrators
were refused permission to lead a procession into the area of
Dalhousie Square, and, when they insisted, the police opened fire
on them. But they succeeded in breaking through the poliee
cordon and marched in triumph through the prohibited area. This
was followed by another demonstration in February 1946. when
Abdul Rashid of the Indian National Army was sentenced to a
term of imprisonment. On this occasion the military had to be
called in to assist the police when the mob became unruly. In
July 1946. a large and threatening mob collected in front of the
Legislative Assembly and demanded the release of certain political
prisoners. Some of the agitators pushed past the policemen on
duty and invaded the Assembly building. They were persuaded
to leave only when the Chief Minister assured them that he would
examine the case of each prisoner and announce his decision
within a short time. In the same month (July 1946) the Posts and
Telegraph employees went on strike for several weeks and, on
Monday, July 29, workers of all types observed a general strike
in sympathy with the strikers. “ In Calcutta on that day there
were no trams, no buses, no taxis, nqt even rickshaws. Shops
were closed and offices, Government and commercial, were heavily
picketed. Picketers.... turned away a number of Secretaries and
at least one Minister, while the police, under orders not to
precipitate a clash which would undoubtedly have involved a
general conflagration, looked on. The life of the city was brought
to a standstill and thousands of strikers took charge of the city
and went where they pleased.” t

* Note on the CauKs of the Calcutta Disturbances, August 1946, published by the
Government of Bengal, Home Oepartment, in 1946.

' t ibid.

Direct Action Day and After

Mr. Suhfawardy Was the Minister in charge of the portfolio
of Law and Order and this state of affairs was known to him. He
expatiated on this theme at considerable length when defending
himself in the Bengal Legislative Assembly in the course of a
debate on a no-^nfidence motion. In planning the programme of
Direct Action Day he decided to make use of it in shaping the
course of events. The fact that in Calcutta the Hindus were in
the majority did not deter Mr. Suhrawardy from accepting the
responsibility of making a success of the Direct Action Day.
Indeed this was an incentive and put him on his mettle. He
decided to show to the world what a Muslim minority could do
when they were determined to use violence and gangster methods,
and the Dawn drew the attention of its readers to this circumstance
after the events in Calcutta had taken place.* Thus the position
of the League Ministry in Bengal, the importance of Calcutta and
the weakness of the Administrative Authonty made Calcutta
eminently suitable foi a demonstration of violence on Direct
Action Day. Mr Suhrawardy was iust the man for this purpose
and he undertook to implement the decision of the League in a
befitting manner It was, therefore, in Calcutta, and Calcutta
alone, that so much violence and hooliganism were displayed on
Direct Action Day.

Mr. Suhrawardy undertook to shape the course of events in
Calcutta in a manner calculated to inspire awe in the minds of
the non-Musluns and to demonstrate to the world at large the
strength and solidarity of the protagonists of Pakistan. As Minister
in charge of the portfolio of Law and Order, he made arrange¬
ments for the transfer of Hindu police officers from all key posts.
On August 16, twenty-two police stations out of a total of twenty-
four were in charge of Muslim officials and the remaining two
were controlled by Anglo-Indians. The programme for the fateful
day was taken up with feverish activity. On August 4, a conference
of the Executive Committees of the Calcytta District and City
Muslim Leagues and representatives of Branch Leagues, Mohalla
Sardars and labour workers of Calcutta, Howrah. Hoogly,
Metiabruz and 24-Parganas was called to consider the matter. A
programme was drawn up and this was later elaborated and given
the widest publicity in the Muslim Press. Leaflets and pamphlets
over the name of Mr. S. M. Usman, Mayor of Calcutta and

* The Dawn, Aneust 17, 1946, m its editorial “ Even Now.'

50 Stem Reckoning

Secretary of the Calcutta Muslim League, were"^ printed and
distributed. It was announced in the Press that these could be
obtained free of cost from the Muslim League Office at 8, Zakaria
Street, CaBcutta.

The published programme called for a total hartal and
complete cessation of business on August 16. To this end
Mr. Suhrawardy’s Government declared August 16 a public
holiday throughout the province. There was naturally considerable
opposition to this proposal and it was said that a public holiday
would let loose a considerable number of goondas and
irresponsible characters. An industrial city like Calcutta has a
large population of millhands. dockyard workers, casual labour,
mischief-makers and professional agitators whose energies are, on
ordinary days, expended in the performance of constructive work.
To draw them away from their business, send them into the streets
and tell them to agitate was tantamount to unleashing the forces
of lawlessness and destruction. When the matter came up for
discussion in the Legislative Assembly this fact.was pointed out
to the Ministry. Mr. Suhrawardy’s Government, however, ignored
the protests of the opposition and, disregarding wiser counsels,
determined to carry on with the prearranged programme Indeed
Mr. Suhrawardy suggested that the step contemplated was in the
interests of the people, for they would be available to defend
themselves and their families mstead of being away from
home, and leaving their women and children to the mercy of
the rioters.

The hartal contemplated was to be complete. It was to lake
the form of a general strike in all spheres of civic, commercial and
industnal life. In the published programme it was said that the
essential services of water-works, hoi^ilals. physicians’ clinics,
maternity centres, light, electricity, gas and postal services would
continue to function as usual. This exception was, however, in
form only, for when Direct Action began on August 16, the civic
life of Calcutta was so completely paralysed that the “essential
services ” found it impossible to function for several days. Non-
Muslims were also exhorted to loin the hartal and “ make common
cause with the League in its fight.” A mass rally and meeting
were to be held at the foot of the Ochterlony Monument from
3 p.m. onwards and Mr. Suhrawardy was to preside over it. The
Mayor of Calcutta wanted a million Mushms to congregate in the

, Direct Action Day and After

maidan and give evidence of their united strength. The programme
reminded the Muslims of what stuff th^ were made:

“Muslims must remember that it was in Ramzan that the
Quran was revealed. It was in Ramzan that the permission for
Jehad was granted by Allah. It was in Ramzan that the battle
of Badr. the first open conflict between Islam and Heathenism
was fought and won by 313 Muslims; and again it was in
Ramzan that 10.000 under the Holy Prophet conquered Mecca
and established the kingdom of Heaven and the commonwealth
of Islam in Arabia. The Muslim League is fortunate that it
is starting its action in this holy month.”

The leaflets issued by Mr. Usman were in the same strain.
An Urdu circular bearing the title “Manifesto” contained the
following exhortation; —

“ Brethren of Islam,

Please explain this circular to the people of your ilaqa, mohtdla,
in mosques, schools, colleges, clubs, tea-stalls and hotels. Ask
them to awake, arise and unite under the banner of the Muslim
League and make this hartal a success. Assemble at the foot
of the Ochterlony Monument in processions with the accom¬
paniment of bands at 3 p.m. Lead the procession with such
strength and enthusiasm that even the blind, deaf and dumb
can appreciate their strength and determination.”

Another leaflet containing a special prayer for the crusade
IS worth quoting in full.

“ Munajat for the Jlhad.

{To he said at every mosque after the Jwmna prayer.)

It was in this month of Ramzan that the Holy Quran was
revea’cd! It was in this month of Ramzan that 313 Muslims
were victorious through the grace of God over many Kafers
in the ba+tle of Badr and the Jehad of the Muslims commenced I
It was in this month that ten thousand Muslims marched to
Mecca and were conquerors and thus there was the establishment
of the Kingdom of Islam.

By the grace of God we are ten crores in India but through
bad luck we have become slaves of the Hindus and the British.
We are starting a Jehad in Your Name in this very month
of Ramzan. We promise before You that we entirely depend
on You. Pray make us strong in body and mind—give Your
helping hand in all our actions—make us victorious over the

Stern Reckoning

Kafers —enable us to establish the Kingdom of Islam in India and
• make proper sacrifices for this Jehad —^by the grace of God may
we build up in India the greatest Islamic kingdom in the world.

The Muslims in China, Manchuria. Mongolia, Malaya, Java
and Sumatra are all lighting for their freedom—^pray by Your
grace they may succeed. May You bring freedom to the
Muslims of Turkey. Iran, Iraq, Albania, Arabia, Egypt and the
Sudan and also to the Muslims of Tunis, Algiers, Morocco,
Africa. May God help us so that Muslims of the world may
be able to build up a very strong Islamic kingdom in this world.

(Then followed some Arabic quotations from Quran and Hadis.)

Note.- This form of prayer should be kept with care—must
not be touched with the fool or dishonoured in any way.”

A Benga i pamphlet ‘ Mugur ’ (Club) concluded with a
passionate appeal:

“The Bombay resolution of the All-India Muslim League
has been broadcast. The call to revolt comes to us from

the Oaid-e-A/am of the Muslim leaders. Braves, this is what

we want. This is the policy for the nation of heroes. For so
long we ha\c been acting like beggars. We are glad from the
core of our hearts to hear this magnificent news. This is what we
have been eagerly waiting for. God has granted to the Muslims
in the month of Ramzan what they have been clamouring for.
The day for an open fight which is the greatest desire of the
Muslim nation has arrived Come, those who want to rise to
heaven. Come those who are simple, wantuig in peace of mind
and who are in distress. Those who are thieves, goondas,
those without the strength of character and those who do not sxty
their prayers- -all come. (Italics ours.) The shining gates of
heaven have been opened for you^ Let us enter in thousands..
Let us all cry out victory to Pakistan, victoy to the Mulim
nation and victory to the army which has declared a Jehad."

A leaflet bearing a picture of Mr. Jinnah with a sword in
hand, said:-

“ The sword of Islam must be shining on the heavens and
will subdue all evil designs. . . . We Muslims have had the
Crown and have ruled. Do not lose heart. Be ready and take
your swords. Think you, Muslims, why we are under the kafirs
today* The result of loving the kafirs is not good. O kafir 1
Do not be proud and happy. Your doom is not far and the

Direct Action Day and After

genera! massacre will come. We shall show our glory with
swords in hands and will have a special victory.”

Ahother leaflet asked the Muslims to come into the arena with
their swords and change their tactics. “We shall then see who
wib play with us, for rivers of blood will flow. We shall have the
swords in our hands and the noise of takbir. Tomorrow will be
doom’s day.”

# # # «

As August 16 approached, the tempo and volume of the
preparations increased. Ward Committee meetings were held
frequently in various Wards of Calcutta. Transport for League
volunteers and Muslim hooligans was arranged. Petrol rationing
difflculties were overcome by obtaining supplementary coupons
issued to the Ministers personally just before Direct Action Day. A
large number of regulation lathis and lethal weapons were imported.
In the Basti in Mission Row, Hindu and Muslim cobblers had been
living in peace and amity. Suddenly on August 10, the Hindus
saw that the Muslims were supplied with lathis, spears and daggers.
This early discovery made them run away and escape to safety.
The i^oondas and bad characters were mobilized. Large numbers
of them were imported from outside. A few days before the due
date Pathans and suspicious characters were seen prowling about
the streets of Calcutta. Mr. Kirdn Shankar Roy drew the attention
of the pohee to this circumstance and warned them that the
presence of these strange men did not augur well for the peace of
Calcutta. Hundreds of bad characters who were in detention
during the World War had been released by Government and
this force with all its destructive power was available to carry out
the behests of the League agitators.

The League leaders made arrangements to treat any persons
who might be injured in the riots. Mr. Abdul Wahed Choudhuri,
described as the D.G.O.C., Pakistan Ambulance Corps, was called
upon to mobilize his men. He took steps to open a First Aid
Centre at Curzon Park near the maidan where the mass rally was
to be held. He further ordered that five First Aid Units must jbe
held in reserve and an ambulance car bearing flags with a red
crescent on a white background should circulate through the city
on Direct Action Day. Tt was also arranged that every major
procession should have its own First Aid equipment. Two League
representatives were posted at each of the Medical College

Stern Reckoning''

V V

Hospitals and also at the Campbell Hospital. Representatives
were to hoki themselves in readiness to go to other hospitals if
necessity arose. It was announced that information about the
condition of patients could be obtained at the Calcutta office of
the Pakistan Ambulance Corps. These extensive arrangements
are indicative not merely of a prudent foresight, but are dear
proof of the fact that the local League leaders had foreknowledge
of what would happen on Direct Action Day, and had taken steps
to provide facilities for the treatment of their injured and wounded.

All kinds of weapons were distributed to the agitators, and
the Muslim mobs who formed processions early on the morning
of August 16 and paraded the streets were seen to be armed not only
with lathis but with spears, daggers, hatchets and, in some cases,
even firearms. The goonda^ of Howrah were given lathis and other
weapons through Sharif Khan. M.L.A., who was a trusted hench¬
man of Mr. Suhrawardy. Sharif Khan had been previously convicted
of homicide but was later elected as a Member of the Legislative
Assembly because he controlled the goondas of Howrah.
Mr. Usman, the Mayor of Calcutta, visited Howrah with Sharif
Khan and incited the people to violent action. On Direct Action
Day a huge procession of Muslims armed with lathis, spears,
daggers, etc., left Howrah for Calcutta to attend the meeting at
the Ochterlony Monument. The Control Room at Calcutta was
not informed of this circumstance. At 4-30 p.m. this crowd was
seen returning to Howrah and was stopped by a European Super¬
intendent of Police at the bridge They were disarmed and lathis,
spears, daggers, knives, unbumt torches, empty soda water bottles,
tins containing kerosene oil, rags soaked in oil. ready for being
used in setting fire to houses, were collected. They filled three
trucks and were taken to the Golabari Police Station in Howrah.
They were later shown to Mr. Justice Spens, President of the
Calcutta Disturbances Enquiry Commission. It is impossible to
believe that these men had come out armed in this manner on their
own initiative and without any specific instructions having been
issued to them in this respect.

Events in the political field had in the meantime proceeded
according to a prearranged plan. Negotiations between the
Viceroy and Mr, Nehru for the formation of an Interim Govern¬
ment had been started. Mr. Jinnah was invited to participate in
these talks. The Viceroy’s latest formula offered five seats out
of fourteen to the Muslim League and six to the Congress. The

Direct Action Day and After

remaining three were to be ^fitted up by nomination. Mr. Jinnab
had already made up his mind, and spurned this offer of more than
35 per cent League representation in the Central Government.
When it was realized, contrary to expectation, that Mr. Jinnah*s
refusal had failed to bring ateut the desired deadlock; and the
negotiations proceeded in the absence of the Muslim League, the
League leaders gave unrestrained expression to their chagrin.
Mr. Suhrawardy immediately raised the standard of rebellion and
declared that if the Congress were put in power he would set up
an independent and parallel Government in Bengal. No part of
the provincial revenues would be paid to the Centre and Bengal
would become a separate State having no connection with the rest
of India. On the same day Mr. Mohammad Usman, the Mayor of
Calcutta, told the representative of the Orient Press that Muslims
in Bengal were fully prepared.

On August 13 it was announced that the Viceroy had invited
Mr. Nehru to form an Interim Government and on the 15th the
breakdown of negotiations between Mr. Jinnah and Mr. Nehru
was made known to the public. On the morning of the 16th the
Dawn brought out a four-page supplement telling its readers that
the da> for Direct Action had arrived and that “ might alone could
now" secure the right" of Muslims.

* * * *

The progress of these events gave rise to grave apprehensions
in the minds of the Bengal Hindus, it was feared that the cele¬
brations of Direct Action Day would inevitably result in extensive
clashes between the two major communities. The desire of the
Muslim League (as indicated in the published programme) that
non-Muslims should also join the hartal was resented by the other
political parties. The Bengal Provincial Congress Committee
characterized the demonstration as communal and anti-national.
They took exception to August 16 being declared a public holiday
and called upon the nation to protest against the prostitution of
governmental authority in order to secure personal and party aims.
' Surendra Mohan Ghosh, President of the Bengal Provincial
Congress Committee, issued a statement on August 15 advising the
public to remain peaceful and telling those who did not wish to
join in the League demonstration to go about their usual business.
A leaflet issued by the Hindu Mahasabha was more categorical.

The Hindus and non-Muslims of Bengal are strongly opposed
to the demand for Pakistan. Under the circumstances, to join

Stern Reckoning

or to assist in the hartal declared by the Muslim League will
amount to supporting the Pakistan demand. The Hindus of
Bengal can never act in this way. The League Ministry has had
the audacity to declare the day as a public holiday. The object
is obvious. By this action they mean to compel the Hindu <5ov-
ernment servants to join the hartal. The Hindus will have to
give a clear answer to this act of effrontery. It is the duty of
every Hindu to carry on as usual his normal occupation. The
Hindus must make organised efforts to see that no Hindu, non-
Muslim or non-League Muslim is forced to join the hartal. We.
therefore, request the public to continue on that day their normal
work. They must not yield to any coercive measures. Remember
that to ]oin the hartal is to support the demand for Pakistan.**

This leaflet marks a certain amount of stiffening in the Hindu
attitude towards the League propaganda.

* * * *

I he police had received secret information that trouble was
afoot. According to the Report of the Commissioner of Police
on the Calcutta disturbances, the inforniatioif^ received by the
Intelligence Department was:

(a) A report that goonda elements among the Muslims might
create disturbances if non-Muslims did not observe the
hartal , and

(b) a report that instructions had been issued to several
Muslim hostels to make preparations to set fire to tram-
cars and military lorries on the Idth."^

There can be no doubt that police information extended much
further. Even the military were not wholly ignorant of the extent
and natuie of the League agitation. When giving evidence before
the Spens Enquiry Commission, Brigadier Sixsmith, who was
then acting as Area Commander, said that on August 10 General
Bucher sent for him and warned him of the possibility of trouble on
Muslim League Direct Action Day. General Bucher advised
Brigadier Sixsmith to make himself thoroughly conversant with^
arrangements in the area for internal defence and duties in aid
of the civil power. Mr. Suhrawardy later denied that any reports
of “ preparedness on the part of either the Hindus or the Muslims **
were available, but it was in view of.these warnings and fears that

* Repo't of the Commlbsioncr of Poilc on the diftiirbances and the action taken by
the Calcutta Polio, between the I6th and 20th of Augubt 1946 indusKe. nubbshed by the
Ooterntnent of Bengal Home Department (Pohticdl) in 1946

Direct Action Day and After

the Commissioner of Police issued orders to the whole police force
on August 15 to “take emergency action.” This entailed the
establishment of a Control Room at Police Headquarters where
information of disturbances from all parts of the city could be
received and classified, and correlated mobilization at Headquarters
of all Inspectors and Sergeants, of all available constables from the
Reserve Force. Further, all Inspectors and Sergeants of Security
Control and the Public Vehicles Department, the Traffic Police and
all Armed Police, not engaged in essential duties, were to hold
themselves in readiness.

* * ' * *

Such were the hopes and expectations, the fears and fore¬
bodings which possessed the citizens of Calcutta when they
retired to rest on the evening of August 15. The night brought
little rest to many of them and, shortly after dawn, a feverish
activity began to spread throughout the vast city. The skies were
dark and lowering, but rain held off till the evening, and any
slight discouragement that the inclemency of the monsoon weather
might have provided was spared the League demonstrators. Unruly
crowds, numbering at first not more than fifty or sixty, carrying
flags and banners and armed with sticks, daggers, spears and
hatchets began roaming about the main streets. They were
shouting slogans and inviting their Muslim brethren to join them.
As their numbers swelled they became bolder and more provo¬
cative. Whenever they saw an open shop they ordered the owner
to close it at once. If this peremptory demand was not complied
with immediately, the shop-keeper was beaten and his goods were
looted or thrown out into the street. The unfortunate victims
were almost invariably Hindus for all Muslim shops were observ¬
ing hartal. Anyone seen cycling or motoring was slopped and
told to walk. If he showed reluctance or offered resistance he
was assaulted and the tyres of his vehicle were deflated. The
transport services had suspended business and no trams or buses
were running; taxis were off the roads,' and apart from a few
individuals whose ignorance or hardihood had brought them out,
the only vehicles to be seen were Muslim League lorries or jeeps.
These, laden with armed xhooligans, shouting League slogans, went
about the streets freely, encouraging the mobs or issuing directions.
The privilege of free movement enjoyed by them indicated a well-
laid plan and their numbers evidenced tbe extent of the League
resources.

Stern Reckoning

As early as 6 a.m. reports began to pour into the Police
Control Room. The eleven telephones, installed in two separate
rooms, rang so frequently and brought forth so many tales of
distress, so many calls for help and such a stream of appeals for
rescue that it was impossible to keep even*a brief record of the
countless messages received. The Police Deputy Commissioner,
Headquarters, himself received over 1,200 such messages. It was
impossible to maintain accurate figures of the crimes committed
during the first four days of this bloody fight or to send assistance
where it was needed most. The resources of the CalcuHa Police
were quite unequal to the magnitude of the task involved. The
available police force was both insufficient and inadequate to
cope with the nature and the extent of the disturbances which
held the life of the city in a murderous grip. There can, how-
ever, be no doubt that the criminal apathy of the police officials
and the failure of those in authority to deploy the available forces
to the best advantage were mainly responsible for the holocaust
which followed. For two days the police were almost completely
inactive or evasive. Appeals for assistance were answered with,
“We have no orders.” Policemen stood watching the burning
and looting of houses with calm indifference. A house opposite
a Traffic Outpost where over a hundred police officers were pre¬
sent was completely ransacked. The Mallick Bazaar was looted
by a mob of hooligans who ran about displaying their booty wiffi
a great show of exultant joy. Police guards joined the looters
in this merry-making. Mr. Fazlul Haq, speaking on the no-
confidence motion in the Legislative Assembly, complained
bitterly of police attitude during the first two days of the riots.
He could not get into touch with the police officers or secure
their assistance.* There were numerous complaints of deliberate
inaction on the part of subordinate police officials of a number
of thaiuis. Timely action in disarmiig the riotous mobs in the
morning could perhaps have averted serious trouble, but once
the assaults and clashes began, the situation was completely out
of hand and only a determined action by a large military force
could save the city. Unfortunately, the military was not called
until the evening of the 17lh, and by that time a great deal of
irreparable damage had been done. For a day and a half the

* Mr. Fl^hll Haq vcMcd asiinst the no-confidence motion though his speech contained
a violent attack on Mr. Siihrawardv's administration Sec Note (ii) to Chapter 11 in
Appendix 1 for extracts from the speeches of Messrs Fazlul Haq and Dhirendra Narayan
Mukherji.

Direct Action Day and After

Muslim rioters held their own. The tide of the battle then began
to turn and Hindus and Sikhs began to hit back. It was only
when this change began to spell disaster for the Muslims, that
military assistance was summoned. It was mentioned before the
Spens Enquiry Commission that the Civil authorities had been
guilty of gfoss dereliction of duty in failing to call in the military
on the afternoon of the 16th when the situation had deteriorated
to such an extent that the police were quite unable to deal with
it. It was said that, in the February riots of the same year, the
military had been called in at once. To add to the embarrassment
of the Police Chiefs, Mr. SuhraWardy arrived in the Control Room
and established himself there for the space of several hours. He
received messages, gave verbal directions, issued written instruc¬
tions or orders, scribbled on scraps of paper, talked to the Police
Heads, overrode the decisions made by them, received visitors,
discussed the political events with them and generally interrupted
the vital business of those in charge of the Control Room. He
ordered that special protection should be given to all mosques and
that police pickets should be posted at each one of them ; but
nothing was to be done to safeguard the inmates, sanctity or
property of any Hindu shrine. He assured the Commissioner of
Police that the situation would improve aPer he had addressed
the gathering in the maidan. He would tell the Muslims to go
home quietly and they would obey him. When his eloquence
failed to soothe the frenzied masses and produce the calm he
could not have hoped for. he returned to the Control Room and
continued his mischievous activities. Towards evening Inspector
Wade, on patrol with a lorry detachment, arrested eight Muslims
for looting in Mallick Bazaar Market. Some of the looters were
wearing Red Cross bands to give them immunity from police
action. The arrested persons and a lorry in which the looted
goods were being stocked were taken to the Park Street Police
Station. Shortly afterwards Mr. Suhrawardy arrived at the police
station and ordered the immediate release of the miscreants on
his personal responsibility.* The same evening he reported that
firearms had been used against Muslim passers-by by Messrs. Lai
Chand and Sons, Ammunition Dealers. The Additional Deputy
Commissioner, Security Control, at once went to the spot to

• This incident was referred to in the Assembly debate which took place in the month
of September. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mookcriec accused the Premier of having set at liberty
goondns who had been caught red-handed. looting property. Mr. Suhrawardy retorted that
Dr. Shyama Pusad Mookerjee himself was a goonda. He later admitted having ordered the
release of these men.

Stern Reckoning

investigate. He found that this complaint was false and, on his
return, reported that a Muslim mob had attacked the shop and
attempted to set fire to it. Messrs. Lai Chand and Sons
complained that they had sent a message to the police station
asking for help but their appeal had been disregarded. The Chief
Minister’s presence and conduct in the Control Room were a
serious impediment to the work of the Police and Army chiefs
and a complaint to this effect was made to His Excellency the
Goveinor. A desire was expressed that Mr. Suhrawardy should
keep away from the Control Room.

* * ^

Ft is impossible to give a complete and accurate picture of
the Great Calcutta Killing as it came to be called. The reports
received by the police were not always tme. The noise of a
disturbance in the next street, the shouting of slogans from a
passing lorry, or the sight of an approaching mob frequently lent
substance to an imaginary fear and spread panic through a whole
street; and messages of an actual attack having taken place were
sent to the Control Room. On the other hand, hundreds of
incidents, some of the.m the most terrible, went unreported,
because the blow fell before anyone could communicate to the
authorities or because the injury sustained was past all redress.
The local police were in some cases unsympathetic. One police
station shut its doors against all appeals for help. When the
Commissioner of Police arrived he found the premises closed and
the gate barred. Hundreds of messages received could not be
recorded and were completely forgotten. Rumours of all kinds,
based partly on hearsay but largely on the imagination of the
speaker, were accepted as true by a credulous people. Things un¬
precedented in the whole history of communal warfare were
happening all over Calcutta and nothing was beyond belief. The
newspaper reporters went round the city under armed protection
and tried to give accurate accounts of what they saw, but they
could not be everywhere at the same time, and they could not
enter the worst affected areas. The Commissioner of Police
drew up an official report based on information conveyed to the
police and this document is a long and sordid catalogue of crime
and human passions at their basest; but it does not pretend to be
complete. It reads like the defence plea of a person accused of
neglecting his duty. The Spens Enquiry Commission heard a
great deal of evidence and brought to light many things, but it

Direct Action Day and After

was not allowed to conclude its labours and the hearing
was brought to an abrupt end by an order of the League Ministry
who expressed the opinion that further progress of the
Enquiry was likely to exacerbate communal feelings. Some people
held the view that the Enquiry had brought forth a great deal of
incriminating matter not very palatable to the Chief Minister and
his colleagues.

It is not our business here to give full and complete details
of the horrible events transacted in Calcutta during these days.
Such an undertaking is neither possible nor within the scope of
this book. There is nothing that distinguishes the looting and
burning of a shop in one street from the looting and burning of
another shop in another street. One case of stabbing is very
like another. The frenzied mobs behaved in very much the same
way in different parts of Calcutta. For individual details the
reader is referred to a study of the Police Commissioner’s Report
and the proceedings of the Spens Enquiry Commission. It will
suffice to give in the.se pages a general outline of the over¬
all picture and mention a few of the more important incidents.

Reference has already been made to the forcible closing of
Hindu shops as the immediate exciting cause of the disturbances.
All over Calcutta Muslim crowds demanded the closure of non-
Muslim shops. If the slightest resistance was offered the shop
was looted and burnt. Very soon the crowds began to break
open closed shops and loot them. It is significant that many
Muslim shops had been marked in chalk with “ Mussulman shop
—Pakistan ” to save them from the attentions of the mob and
this circumstance was mentioned as proving a previous plan to
loot all non-Muslim shops. The Muslim League demonstrators
soon came into clash with Hindu crowds, and general rioting of a
most fierce type broke out in all parts of Calcutta. The houses
of prominent Hindus and Congressmen became a special target
of the Muslim fury. The house of Dr. B. C. Roy,* Congress
leader, was attacked and set on fire. The son-in-law of Mr. Kiron
Shankar Roy, leader of the Bengal Congress Parliamentary Party,
was stabbed. The office of the Bengal Provincial Congress
Committee was heavily stoned. The offices of the News Editor
of Hindusthan Standard and the Ananda Bazar Patrika were
attacked and attempts were made to set fire to the buildings.

* The present Premier of the Province of West Bengal.

Stern Reckoning

Five garages in Mcchubazar Street were broken open and set on
fire. In the Central Avenue a crowd was observed standing
round a number of cars. One of these had already been set on
fire when the police arrived. The fires in Amherst Street section
were reported to be very severe. In the area of Shampukur
Police Station several lorries, full of Muslims and loaded with tins
of petrol, were .seen moving about. A house in Tara Chand Dutt
Street was burnt and it was still on fire on the following day. The
Park Street Police saw a large mob of Muslims carrying sticks
with kerosene-soaked rags attached to them. From a house in
Umadas Lane the police recovered a quantity of kerosene-soaked
rags, two bottles of nitric acid and a number of soda water bottles
and battle axes. The house belonged to a Muslim and two
Muslims were arrested from the premises. The Regent Cinema
was set on fire. On August 17, Inspector Kinchin found a crowd
of Muslims with blazing torches setting fire to the huts near
Manicktola Bridge. The Fire Brigade found it extremely difficult
to control these fires because of persistent interference by the
Muslim crowds. I'hc fire engines could only go about with
armed escorts but even so they could not always perform their
task. It was found that several hydrants had been opened by the
rioters and the consequent decrease in the water pressure created
further difficulties.

The house of Mr. D. L. Dutt, Presidency Magistrate, was
attacked. Even Muslims who were known to be supporters of
the Congress were not spared. The residence of Syed Naushcr
Ali, former Speaker of the Bengal Legislative As-sembly. was
attacked by a mob on the afternoon of the !6th. Police help was
sent and Syed Nausher Ali informed Inspector Kinchin that he
had been flying Congress colours from his house and local Mus¬
lims had taken exception to it. They wanted to take down the
Congress flag and fly the Muslim League flag in its place. There
was frequent interference with police lorries. In at least one
instance the police were seen to be taking part in the looting. On
receiving a report of looting in Wellesley Street the Deputy Com¬
missioner, Special Branch, went to the spot in a jeep with two
orderlies and a Sergeant-Major armed with tommy guns. “Arriv¬
ing at the shop of Sen Law’s on the corner of Royd Street and
Wellesley Street, the Deputy Commissioner found it was being
looted by a mixed mob of Anglo-Indians and Indians. Outside
stood an empty police weapon-carrier and inside, the Deputy
Commissioner reports having found three Police Sergeants

Direct Action Day and After

passively watching the looters and taking no preventive action.♦
The crowd was driven away but as soon as the Deputy Commis¬
sioner, Special Branch, moved away, the looters again entered the
shop.

A number of temples were attacked and burnt down. Among
these was the Radhakrishna Temple on Cornwallis Road and the
Sitla Temple in College Street. The Science College and the Hindu
houses in its neighbourhood were persistently attacked for several
hours. A mob of Muslim hooligans entered the Carmichael
Medical College and began to threaten patients and nurses. An
attack was made on the Medical College Hostel in the jurisdiction
of Jorasanko Police Station. A number of cars and lorries, marked
with the Red Cross or flying Red Cross flags, were going about
killing people and looting shops. The looting and killing went
on continuously for forty hours in some localities and this sus¬
tained energy of the fanatical mobs was an astonishing feature
of the riots. The streets were strewn with dead bodies and the
corpses lay thus for several days giving out a foul stench. The
task of disix>sing of the corpses seemed at first impossible because
lhc”c was no one to carry them away and bury or cremate them.
The domes who usually perform this work had run away and their
hustces were found to be deserted. Dozens of dead bodies were
pushed down manholes and obstructed the sewage of the city.
Dead bodies were seen floating in the river. A number of boats
had been burnt and sunk and the boatmen were killed or drowned.
Bodies lay in houses where they had been done to death. There
were stories of children having been hurled down from the roofs
of houses. Young children were reported to have been boiled in
oil. Others were burnt alive. Women were raped and mutilated
and then murdered. A number of hooligans were seen going
about the streets, robbing the pockets of dead men. On the other
hand, there were many instances of Muslims giving protection to
Hindus and Hindus giving protection to Muslims. At Tiretta
Bazar the police found three Hindus in the house of Muslims who
had given shelter to them. On the evening of Augu.st 18 four
Sikhs went to the Police Headquarters and stated that they had
hidden a number of threatened Muslims in their house and
requested that the Muslims be removed so that the Sikhs might
not be victimized. The police took a prison van to the house and
evacuated fifteen male Muslims from the Sikhs* quarters.

* Repon of the Commissioner of Police.

Stern Reckoning

For four terrible days this massacre and brutality continued
unabated. During this time the life of the city was completely
paralysed. Hospitals were full of patients and streams of injured
men continued to pour in. The I^ke Hospital, recently vacated
by the United States Army, was taken over and a number of
patients were accommodated there. It was, however, impossible
to cope with the number of injured persons and the medical
arrangements all but broke down. The problem of feeding the
patients and thousands of refugees who had crowded in the hos¬
pital compounds was a formidable one. Students and doctors
living outside the hospitals, in hostels, sought shelter in hospital
buildings and they had to be fed. The total admissions, according
to the Report of the Surgeon-General, were well over four thou¬
sand. Of these some had been brought in dead while others died
in hospital.

The rescue of persons in dangerous localities was another
serious problem. Once the disturbances began, Muslims living in
Hindu majority areas and Hindus living in Muslim majority areas
wanted to be evacuated. They did not dare to venture out without
proper escort. Rescue Squads were organized but the transport
available was quite inadequate to cope with the demand. It is
estimated that over thirty thousand people were moved before
the end of the fourth day of the riots. Thousands more left the
city of their own accord although this was not easy as the train
services had been completely disorganized. The newspaper
reporters estimated an exodus of a hundred thousand persons
from Calcutta.

Food and sanitation arrangements were completely upset.
Many grain ration shops were looted and for four days it was
almo.st impossible to maintain supplies in the city. Although
there was no interference with the filtered water-supply, the
unfiltered water-supply for sanitary Sittings was interrupted in
certain sections of the city owing to the low water pressure in the
mains because the hydrants were left open by the people. Garbage
and rubbish went on piling up in the streets as the Corporation
Conservancy Staff did not report for duty, l^eaching powder was
sprinkled by military lorries on the rubbish heaps and human and
animal corpses, but for days the s'ench of the city was unbearable.

Until August 18 nothing could be done to remove the dead
bodies from the streets. The Government then gave consideration
to this matter and, with the assistance of the Anjuman Mofidul
Islam and the Hindu Satkar Samiti, began to tackle the problem.

Direct Action Day and After

It was decided that all bodies dealt by the Government Organi¬
zation should be buried. A small force of sixteen domes was
requisitioned and this proceeded to pick up the dead bodies at
9 p.m. on the 18th. The domes worked through the night and
lorries, loaded with dead bodies, were taken to the Bagraari
Cemetery. The approach to the graves was too narrow for the
lorries and the dead bodies had to be transferred to hand-carts
and wheeled for nearly a quarter of a mile. The domes were now
tired out and the dead bodies had to be left unburied. The next
day the work was resumed and, with the assistance of Mr. Justice
Sharpe and Mr. Justice Hindley of the Calcutta High Court, who
volunteered for this extremely unpleasant work, a number of
bodies were buried. Some Anglo-Indians later came forward to
handle the dead bodies on payment. It was learnt that domes
would be more willing to work when stimulated by a country
liquor known as paglapani. This was provided and the work of
disposing of the dead bodies proceeded. Corpses were recovered
from streets, houses, temples, mosques; manholes, the river
and the canals and buried in large trenches. The Hindu Satkar
Samiti cremated over a thousand bodies. By the 27th almost all
the dead bodies had been disposed of. High Government officials
including two High Court Judges already named, Mr. Mitra of
the Indian Civil Service, Mr. Auden of the Geological Survey, Mr.
Hodge of the B.A. Railway, worked for hours at a stretch, in an
overpowering stench, to accomplish this task. But for paglapani
and liberal payment to the domes, beer and high wages to the
Anglo-Indians who handled the corpses, this work could not have
been performed. The following table gives the number of dead
bodies collected and dispose^ of:

By Government Organization . 1,182

By Anjumari Mofidul Islam . 761

By Hindu Satkar Samiti . 1,230

Total ... 3,173

This figure does not represent the total number of deaths
caused in the riots. Many dead bodies were burnt in houses,
many others floated down the river to the sea. The loss of pro¬
perty by arson and looting was estimated at several crores.
Accurate figures are not available but an examination of the indi¬
vidual reports submitted by Fire officers who supervised action

Stern Reckoning

at the various fires shows that the ownership of the various
properties which suffered from arson is in the following ratio:

(a) Hindu ownership .65 per cent

(^) Muslim ownership . 20 per cent

(r) Ownership either joint Hindu/Muslim

not known, European or Government. 15 per cent*

Comparative figures of persons wounded or killed in the
course of the riots are not available. The report of the Surgeon-
General based on the admissions to the various hospitals is to the
following effect:

A. Classified

Admis-

Brought

DeU

sions

in dead

Hindus .

... 2,322

151

Muslims

... 1,832

138

Others .

222

B. Unclassified

Brought in dead .174

Deaths . 11

These figures give a total of 570 dead only. It is estimated
that more than five thousand persons were killed and more than
fifteen thousand injured, and if the hospital figures are accepted
as a basis for determining the ratio of the Muslim and Hindu
casualties it will be clear that the Muslims fared almost as badly
the Hindus. When this circumstance came to light the Muslim
League leaders and the Muslim League Press asserted vehemently
that the rioting was started by the supporters of the Congress and
.some of them even went so far as to say that the Hindus had
prepared a deeply laid plan to commit wholesale murder of Mus¬
lims on Direct Action Day in order to discredit the Muslim
League. On the other hand, it was salQ that the Muslims had an
efficient transport and ambulance corps and all their dead and
injured were taken to hospital, while Hindu dead bodies were for
the most part burnt or destroyed and, therefore, did not figure in

the official statistics.

* * * *

It is convenient here to anticipate the chronology of events
and say a few words about what happened in Calcutta during the
following twelve months. Complete peace did not return to the

* Report of the Commissioner of Police

Direct Action Day and After

city even after the fury of these four days was over. There were
days on which no incidents took place. 7’hen followed days and
weeks during which stray and sporadic assaults were reported
from different quarters of the city. On some days there were as
many as ten murders. Muslims and non-Muslims both took part
in these criminal acts. In the beginning of August 1947, w'hen
the partition of the province was imminent and the Government
of the future East Bengal was ready to leave Calcutta, attacks
on Muslims increased. Calcutta appeared to be on the verge of
another catastrophe similar to the one in which it had been
plunged a year previously. Mahatma Gandhi then came to the
rescue and decided to live in Calcutta until peace was restored.
Accompanied by Mr. Suhrawardy, he took up his residence in the
house of a Muslim and, braving the anger of the Hindus, began
to preach his gospel of non-violence. On one occasion a Hindu
mob attacked the house in which he was living and a lathi was
actually thrown at him. He stood his ground undaunted and his
courage worked a veritable miracle in Calcutta. Sanity returned
to the people and on August 15, when the independence of India
was celebrated in the city, Hindus and Muslims joined hands as
brothers and went through the streets shouting “ Hindu-Muslim
ek ho."

(ii)

The results of the Calcutta episode did not, in the ultimate
analysis, prove very gratifying to the Muslim League leaders. The
Hindus sulfercd grievously both in life and in property. Large
numbers of them left their habitation and migrated to the neigh¬
bouring districts of West Bengal and Bihar. The exhibition of
Muslim strength and solidarity had, however, failed to intimidate
the non-Muslims. A large number of Muslims was killed or
wounded and the damage to Muslim property was not inconsider¬
able. This was not what Mr. Suhrawardy or Mr. Usman had
hoped for or anticipated. It was small consolation to lay the
entire responsibility of the tragic events on the shoulders of the
Congress. It was clear that Direct Action Day plans had mis¬
carried and some vindication of this disastrous failure was
necessary. The passions aroused in Calcutta found a more satis¬
fying release in the district of Noakhali where Maulvi Ghulam
Sarwar, an ex-M.L.A. and a religious Fir, succeeded in working
up the Muslim passions by spreading grossly exaggerated stories
of what had happened in Calcutta. In that city stray assaults

Stem Reckoning

had continued after August 20. On September 2, the day on
which the Congress Interim Government assumed office, noting
broke out in the Muslim quarters in the city of Bombay and
continued for several days, taking a toll of over two hundred
killed and nearly a thousand injured. On September 5, the papers
reported recrudescence of trouble at Calcutta and, during the
weeks that followed, the tension showed no signs of easing. Then
in the beginning of October Noakhali and Tippera were in flames.

* * * *

T he district of Noakhali is a narrow strip of land 55 miles
long and 22 miles broad, lying along the Bay of Bengal. It also
includes a number of small islands situated in the Bay. Tippera
lies to the north of Noakhali. The two districts are flanked by
rivers and numerous streams flow through them. Towards the
end of the monsoon, communications present serious difficulties
and. in some parts, means of transport are restricted to small
country boats which proceed along the hyacinth-covered water¬
ways at the rate of one mile per hour. Travelling on foot in these
areas is more speedy and often more convenient. A few roads
also serve the two districts but when disturbances broke out the
roads were breached in several places and some bridges were
destroyed. The passage of cars and lorries was thus almost
completey stopped. It is, therefore, not surprising that for some
days no news of the great upheaval reached the outside world and
it was not till October 14 that Calcutta heard of anything wrong
or unusual occurring in Noakhali. By that date a great deal had
happened. Hundreds of murders had been committed, thousands
of women had been dishonoured and carried away or compelled
to marry Muslims. Whole villages had been burnt down and
ra/cd to the ground. Almost the entire Hindu population of the
district had been robbed of all they Qpssessed and then forcibly
converted to Islam.

Anti-Hindu propaganda was started in Noakhali towards the
end of August. Meetings were held throughout the district on
August 29 which was the occasion of the Id festival. Rumours
were spread through the district that bands of armed Sikhs had
been imported from outside with the object of assaulting
and murdering Muslims. The Maulvis in their waaz (sermon)
preached hatred against the non-Muslims and warned the
Muslims to be on their guard. Soon afterwards looting of
Hindu shops and houses in various parts of the district began.

Direct Action Day and After

Temples were desecrated and idols were broken. There were a
few cases of forcible conversion. In the beginning of September
Pir Ghulam Sarwar took a hand. This gentleman was originally
opposed to the Muslim League and had openly disapproved of
the hartal of August 16. He, however, joined the Muslim
League in the first week of September and at once began to use
all the influence at his command in disseminating unrest among
his followers. He addressed large audiences and exhorted them to
avenge the massacre of Muslims in Calcutta. He threatened
police oflicers and told them to doctor the reports of his
utterances. When the Puja festival drew near, Hindus travelling
by boat were held up and deprived of their ornaments and valu¬
ables. Some dacoities were committed in Hindu houses in a
number of villages in the district. There were reports of buffaloes
being butchered in public near mosques and other places.
Mr. Haran Chandra Ghosh Chowdhury, speaking on an adjourn¬
ment motion in the Bengal Legislative Assembly on February 6,
mentioned a number of incidents which took place between
August 29 and October 10.

“ Dcbi Prasanna Guha of Babupur was murdered on the Id
day and the Congress office in front of his house was burnt to
ashes; one of his brothers and a servant were also assaulted.

“ While fishing in the Feny River, a group of fishermen were
attacked with deadly weapons resulting in the death of one and
serious injuries to two others,

“ Chandra Kumar Karmakar of Monpura was murdered near
Jamalpur on the Id day.

“ Jamini Dey, a servant of the hotel, while proceeding to
Ghosh bag on the Id day, was murdered on the way. A dead body
in a decomposed condition with his clothes was found later.

“ Nine fishermen of Charuriah, less than a mile from the
town, were seriously assaulted with deadly weapons. Seven of
them were admitted into hospital. They were prevented from
coming out and lodging any complaint with the police.

“ Shops of Kamini Kumar Paul and Jadav Chandra Saha were
looted at Chandraganj and Jadav Chandra Saha was beaten.

“Hindu shops of Koresh Munshi Hat in Feni Sub-division
were looted.

“ Three boats full of clothes were looted at Bholakot.

Stern Reckoning

“Temple of the family diety of Harendra Ghose of Rajpur
was desecrated by butchering a calf and throwing it inside the
temple.

“ Shiva Temple of Dr. Jadunath Majumdar of Chandipur was
similarly desecrated.

“ Family deiUes of Nagendra Majumdar and Rajkumar
Choudhury of Dadpur were desecrated and stolen.

“ Many Hindu shops and two pharmacies of Kankirhat were
looted.

“ All the properties of six or seven families of Kanur Char
were looted.

“ A gang armed with deadly weapons entered the house of
Jadav Mojumdar of Karpara, assaulted Nakul Mojumdar and
looted properties worth Rs. 1.500.

“ Hindu shopkeepers of Tajmohammad Hat were victimised
and driven away.

“ Some Hindu shops of Shahapur Bazar were looted.

“ Ashu Sen of Debsingpur was severely beaten near Tajumi-
arhat at Char Parbati.

“ House of Sj. Prasanna Mohan Chakravorly, B.L., at Tatar-
khil, was looted and Durga image was broken. A buffalo was
butchered.

“ Rajkumar Choudhury of Banspara was brutally assaulted
on his way home.

“ Durga images of Sj. Is war Chandra Pathak, Kethuri,
Sj. Kedareswar Chakravorty of Merkachar and Sj. Ananta Kumar
De of Angrapara were also broken.

“Houses of Nabin Chandra Nath of Miralipur and of Radha-
charan Nath of Latipur were raided. J'Jobin Chandra and Radha
Charan and five members of his family were injured.

“ Shop of Subal Chandra Banik of Nandanpur was looted at
Sonapur Bazar.”

The total population of the district is twenty-ttvo lakhs of
which 80 per cent are Muslims. The Hindu minority found itself
completely helpless. Many of them did not dare to lodge any
corap'aint with the police for fear of further oppression and
harassment. Some complainants were actually harassed and
assaulted because they had had the temerity to report against the
Muslims. The disturbances spread and increased in intensity at

Direct Action Day and After

a rapid rate and, in the beginning of October, Muslim mobs began
attacking Hindu houses on the pretext of searching for Sikh and
Hindu goondas who were alleged to have been brought to Noakhali
for the purpose of attacking Muslims. Another method adopted
was to make demands for large sums of money in order to relieve
the sufferings of the Calcutta Muslims, In some cases, as much as
a thousand rupees were demanded from an individual. The
demand was almost invariably followed by looting and burning.
A school master of Khilpara stated that his house was attacked in
this manner by seven different gangs each numbering about three
hundred or four hundred. All images and sacred pictures were
desecrated and smashed and he and his family were then forcibly
converted to Islam. This is typical of what was happening all
over the district of Noakhali. A crowd of Muslims drawn from a
number of contiguous villages would proceed to a chosen village,
loot and burn all the Hindu houses and then convert the non-
Muslim population to Islam cn masse, on pain of death. They
would carry away the womenfolk and give them in marriage to
Muslims. It was estimated that at least 95 per cent of the non-
Muslim population of Noakhali District was, in this manner,
converted to Islam and their women dishonoured. The converted
persons were made to read kalma. slaughter cows and cat their
flesh. The conch-shell bangles of the women were broken and the
sandhoor mark was removed before they were made to marry into
Muslim families. The converted persons were given Muslim dress
to wear including caps printed with League flags, a map of Pakistan
and the slogan “ Pakistan Zindahad." Thousands of these caps
had been imported into the district and distributed in the various
villages. It is astonishing how the enormous quantity of cloth used
in the manufacture of these caps was obtained in those days of
strict cloth control.

On October 10, the Lakshmi Puja Day, a meeting was held at
the Sahapur English High School and this meeting was attended
by about fifteen thousand Muslims. Pir Gh'ulam Sarwar exhorted
the Muslims to attack the kutchery bari of Babu Surendra Nath
Bose, Zemindar of Narayanpur, and the house of Rai Sahib
Rajendra Lai Roy Chowdhury of Karapra. Immediately after this
the Hindu shops in Sahapur Bazar were burnt down by the mob
in the presence of the Sub-Inspector of Po'ice. The mob then
attacked Narayanpur Kutchery and set fire to it. When the house
was in flames Surendra Babu jumped down from the first floor and

Stem Reckoning

fell in front of the Muslim mass who immediately set upon him
and hacked him to pieces. They then threw the pieces into the
flames and presented the head to the Pir Sahib who was standing
at a short distance. The house of Rajendra Babu was then attacked
and set fire to. The inmates climbed up to the roof and some of
the hooligans fired shots at them. The unfortunate victims took
shelter behind the garret. A portion of the roof collapsed and
some of them fell into the flames and lost their lives. A number
of hooligans cut down a tall coconut tree and, using it as a ladder,
climbed on to the roof. “One by one the male inmates were
brought down and mercilessly butchered on the spot. The female
inmates were brought down and cordoned off and taken to the Pir
Sahib who was waiting in a boat at a distance. He ordered them to
be taken to some other house. The heads of Rajendra Babu and
some others were reported to have been presented to the Pir Sahib.
Thirty-four persons, including about half a dozen unknown figures,
were killed on the spot.” *

The trouble in Noakhali spread to the neighbouring district of
Tippera where too the same methods of looting, burning and
converting the non-Muslims were adopted. The number of murders
was not very large. Estimates vary between 250 and 5,000. There
is no satisfactory evidence on this point and an l.C.S. officer of the
Bengal Government who went to investigate local conditions
reported that about 250 persons only had been killed. This figure
is certainly an understatement, but the indications arc that the loss
of life in Noakhali and Tippera was not considerable. The aim
of the Noakhali Muslims was to terrorize the Hindus, dishonour
their women, plunder their property, desecrate their gods and
convert them to Islam.

Footpaths and roads leading to villages were watched by
Muslim hooligans and the egress ajjid ingress of everyone was
stopped. A party of Government officials proceeding to Hacmchar
Bazar by boat found their progress arrested by a barricade across
the stream, built of banana trees and water hyacinth. They had to
cut a channel through this barrier. It was observed that a number
of small Muslim boys were watching the scene and when they saw
the boat approach they gave warning to someone who could not
be seen. The police were either indifferent or helpless. Condi¬
tions in the thana of Raypur in the district of Noakhali were

* Proceedings of the Bengal Legislative Assembly. February 6, 1947.

Direct Action Day and After

appalling. When the, disturbances began all Hindus of Raypur
left their homes and took refuge in the thana, A mob of Muslims
arrived and demanded that all male Hindus should be handed over
for conversion. The police officer in charge of the thana immedi¬
ately complied with this demand although he had a number of
muskets with him. The result was that all these males were
dragged away by the mob and converted to Islam. A prominent
Brahmin merchant was murdered in the tham compound. A few
days later when a Government official specially sent by the Bengal
Government arrived at Raypur he found that the non-Muslim pub¬
lic had lost all confidence, and even in the thana compound Hindus
were afraid to wear their own clothes and were obliged to walk
about in Muslim dress. Hundreds of written complaints were made
to the police but on very few of them was any action taken. In
the police station of Ramgunje 777 complaints had been lodged
upto November 3 and, although each complaint named between
two and ten accused persons, the police had arrested only fifty-four
individuals. Within two miles of the police station resided two
Muslim ringleaders who had been named in several complaints.
Both of them were gun licence-holders. The police did not arrest
them or apply for the cancellation ol their licences. The state of
affairs in the other police stations was no better. Hundreds of
Muslims accused of very serious offences were not arrested or, when
arrested, were released on bail in small amounts. It was said that
the whereabouts of Maulvi Ghulam Sarwar were not known
although he went about the district freely, disseminating his poison
among receptive fanatics. On the other hand, a number of
counter-cases against Hindus were registered and the police showed
extraordinary zeal in prosecuting them There were some cases
even against police officials and military men who had tried to
quell the riots, and complamts were made that these cases hampered
' the work of the police and the army. The raiders were frequently
helped by ex-servicemen who had experience of blowing up bridges
and roads. In some cases of arson stirrup-pumps were used to
spray the houses with petrol or kerosene. The damage done to
Hindu houses was so complete that m affected villages hardly a
single Hindu house stood. The disturbances began on a mass
scale on October 10 and spread through Noakhali and Tippera
during the following days. On the 13th and 14th the rioting
reached its peak and then began to decrease gradually. Normal
conditions were not, however, restored for a considerable time as
6

74 , Stern Reckoning

non-Muslims found it impossible to go back to their homes and
live peacefully.

During the disturbances the districts were visited by
Acharya Kripalani, President of the Congress. He flew over some
of the affected area on October 19 and remained touring in the dis¬
trict until the 26th. On his way to Comilla, on the morning of the
19th. he flew very low over the area north of Begumganj and
Chitansi and saw houses burning in ten or fifteen villages. On the
20th he again flew over Noakhali and saw fresh fires burning in
Faridganj, Ray pur. Chandpur and Ramgunje areas. In Charhain
village he found that every non-Mushm house was completely
devastated. Hindu houses had been burnt down and looted of all
movables including ornaments, utensils, clothes and foodgrains.
The cattle had been driven away. In Khalpara and Hipara all
Hindu shops had been looted and League flags were flying on them.
Soon after the President’s visit the Bengal Government sent one
l.C.S. officer to tour the district of Noakhali and another to Tippera
to investigate conditions at the spot. These officers saw a part of
the havoc perpetrated by the Muslim fanatics. In Noakhali it was
found that almost every Hindu house m the affected villages had
been thoroughly looted. The looting was thorough and complete.
“ Floors were dug up, courtyards were dug up, even adjacent pools
of water into which many of the victims had thrown their utensils,
etc, in a last minute effort to hide them, were dragged and the
booty fished out.” The victims were left with only the clothes
they stood in. The houses were then burnt and all that could be
seen was a heap of blackened and twisted corrugated iron lying on
the plinth of the house. It was estimated that 99 per cent of the
non-Muslim houses had been looted and between 70 and 90 per
cent of the houses had been burnt dpwn. In Tippera the conditions
were equally distressing. Here, too, the looting and arson had been
on a very wide scale. The Special Officer said m his report, “ I was
appalled by what I .saw in such villages as Paikpara and Haemchar.
It is, however, not enough to speak of merely two villages by name.
In all the affected villages, the scenes of wreckage cannot be ade¬
quately described. Large homesteads have ceased to exist and loss
of property has been very considerable. No description of the
condition of Haemchar Bazar can be sufficiently vivid; it must be
visited to be appreciated,” and again. “In the affected vUlages,
there is chaos, destruction of homesteads, an absence of any sign
i^t movable property, despondency and apprehension; the few

Direct Action Day and After

who have remained are anxious to leave. The destruction is so
5 complete that, except tor sheets of corrugated iron, the looting of
which is in progress each night even at present, nothing remains but

pathetic wreckage-Large numbers of small personal temple-huts

have been burnt out, images have been pulled down and smashed
and at least one large and brick-built temple has been looted and
desecrated.” This was written on November 5, 1946.

The condition of refugees was deplorable. Foodstuffs were
unavailable and the price of rice when it could be obtained was
Rs. 2 per seer. A large number of refugees had congregated at
different places and their state was pitiable. At Faridganj on
November 2 there were about six thousand refugees huddled on
boats and sheltering in huts ashore. Many of them were suffering
from dysentery and other diseases. Rescue parties sent from
Calcutta were refused police protection and had to go back.

Gandhiji heard of these tragic events and, on October 22, he
resolved to go to East Bengal. He said he wanted to wipe
away the tears of the outraged womanhood of Noakhali. Soon
after this decision was made, serious rioting broke out in Bihar;
and large numbers of Musics suffered at the hands of the Hindus.
Gandhiji went on a partial fast and, before leaving Calcutta for
Noakhali, he sent a message to the Bihar Hindus that unless they
stopped their mad orgy, he would fast unto death. Bihar returned
to peace and sanity within a very short time. In the meantime
Gandhiji arrived in Noakhali on November 6 and began to preach
his gospel of brotherly love and ahimsa. He stayed for almost
exactly four months and went from village to village telling the
Hindus to shed their fear and have faith in God. He asked the
Muslims to love their Hindu brethren.

The first village he stayed at was Choumhoni. The place
presented a sorry spectacle. The Hindu habitations had been
reduced to a mass of rubble and shapeless mud. All around lay
the charred remains of human flesh and bone. The stains of blood
on what were once door-steps were still visible and the smell of
corpses hung in the air. Clusters of arecanut and coconut palms
dotting the landscape intensified the tragedy of human suffering.
The few women who were present came and sobbed out their
sorrow at Gandhiji’s feet. The same story was repeated in every
village he went to. He listened in silence and tried to give comfort
to the crucified souls. ” My heart weeps before God,” he would
say, “ although my eyes have no tears.” He spoke to the Muslims

. n *

76 „ Stern Reckoning

and invited them to his prayer meetings. After a few days he./
decided to disperse his party and send individual memb^s ^
different villages. He asked them to stay there and act as hostages
for the safety and security of the Hindu residents. He himself
made Srirampur his headquarters and stayed there for forty-one
days. He visited all the neighbouring villages and held prayer
meetings in which he brought Hindus and Muslims together
and spoke to them of brotherly love. He accepted invitations to
distant villages and returned home at the dead of night, in boats
tugged through dense hyacinth-logged canals. On January 2, he
began his great lonely march. Staff in hand and walking barefoot
through slush and mud, through palm groves and bamboo thickets,
this dark frail man of 77. trudged on and on. day after day, from
village to village, carrying the torch of truth and ahimsa. Thoms
pricked his feet and made the soles bleed, but he declined the
offer of shoes, saying he was on a pilgrimage and a pilgrim must
walk barefoot. His programme was one night one village, and he
visited twenty-nine villages. In the course of this march he made
the acquaintance of Muslim men and women and won their affection
and co-operation. He brought the light of reason and sanity to
mad Noakhali. Large numbers of Muslims came forward and
pledged to protect the Hindu minorities. Confidence once again
returned, the Hindus cast away their fears and began to go back
to their homes.

On February 4 Gandhiji left East Bengal.

There can be very little doubt that the Noakhali and Tippera
disturbances were the result of a planned attempt to intimidate
the Hindus and make war upon their religion. The manner in
which the rioting began in a large number of villages and the
procedure adopted by the mobs arc clear proof of this. The help
rendered by the ex-servicemen, the use of stirrup-pumps, the mode
of conversion employed and the distribution of thousands of Muslim
League caps is wholly inconsistent with the hypothesis of a sudden
and spontaneous uprising on the part of a few hooligans who
attacked the rich Hindus with the object of looting them and then
as suddenly brought theii activities to an end. There was, no doubt,
a determined attempt to loot and destroy Hindu property but the
assault on their religion and their womenfolk was made with even
greater intensity. The riots were preceded by virulent propaganda
' carried out all over the district by fanatical Muslim Leaguers,^
and there can be no doubt that in East Bengal they were able to

Action Day ank After

'^^Dieve results far more satisfactory than in Calcutta on the official
I pirect Action I^y.

The presence of Gandhiji brought peace and confidence to the
" Hindu minority but only temporarily. With the establishment of
Pakistan on August 15, 1947, the atmosphere was once again
polluted and a large-scale exodus of the non-Muslim population
' started. This still continues.*

(iii)

The events in Calcutta and Noakhali could not fail to have
repercussions in the neighbouring Province of Bihar. Calcutta was
the workshop and business premises of thousands of Biharis drawn
from all parts of Bihar and particularly from the Gangetic districts
of Saran, Patna, Muzaffarpur, Darbhanga, Monghyr and Bhagalpur.
The ghastly drama enacted on August 16, 1946, and the following
days at Calcutta ga\ e them a feeling of insecurity and, leaving their
adopted homes, their business and employment, they returned to
their native towns and villages. The harrowing tales of massacre,
rape, arson and plunder which they related stirred the emotions
of the Bihar Hindus. Newspapers published accounts and pictures
of the atrocities perpetrated by the Muslims. Even the sober and
aloof indifference of the European-owned Statesman was moved to
a passionate condemnation of the mob rule prevailing in the city of
Calcutta. It may be presumed that the refugees smarting under the
injury (personal and financial) did not understate the situation, and
the imagination of the listeners was fired by sympathy for the suffer¬
ers and a desire to take revenge. The attitude of the Bihar Muslims
had contributed very little towards a peaceful solution of the
problems which presented themselves to the minds of the Bihar
Hindus or towards appeasing the sullen tempers which grew more
sullen with every item of gruesome news arriving from Calcutta.
Peace had prevailed throughout the province on Direct Action Day
and one or two stray cases of conflict in Gaya, Jamalpur and
Bhagalpur were too insignificant to give the authorities cause for
alarm or even anxiety. The League spokesmen had exercised no
restraint in their utterances on August 16. At a meeting held in
the Anjuman Islamia Hall, some of the speakers referred to the
* strength of the sword, by which alone the Muslims had achieved
whatever they had achieved in the past. They held out promises

* Vot the Ihter activities of Pit Gbulam Sarwar see Note (iii) to Chapter II, Appendix I.

Stern Reckoning

78 >

of like success if like me^ns were adopted. One speaker, Syed
Muhammad Abdul Jalil, categorically said that the Qaid-e-Azam
and Messrs. Nazimuddin and Suhrawardy had unequivocally said
that non-violence was not a creed of the Muslims and that the
Muslims were free to use any weapons that might be of assistance
to them:

“ Unka hamla aur unka tarz-i-amal non-violence hota hm lekin
main saf kah dena chahta him keh hamare numaindagan
Qaid-e-Azam, Nazimuddin aur Suhrawardy nen is cheez ko saf
kar diya hai ki hamare samne non-violence hargiz koi cheez
nahin hai. Ham jah jang karna chahenge to jo cheez hamare pas
hogi itsko ham hathiyar hanayenge aur ham usko istemal
karenge.”

(Their attack and their conduct is based on non-violence but
1 want to make it clear to you that our representatives, Qaid-e-
Azam, Nazimuddin and Suhrawardy have made it clear that to
us non-violence means nothing. When we want to fight we shall
make use of whatever weapons we have.)

Shaheedul Haq of the Muslim Students’ Federation was
particularly provocative and declared that for a Muslim the way
to heaven lay both by killing and by being killed by a Hindu.

These fulminations and indiscreet outbursts of the Muslim
leaders caused a great deal of resentment, and the gloomy fore¬
boding to which they gave rise caused unrest and brought about a
feeling of insecurity. The tension increased every day as news of
greater and more extensive disasters from Calcutta was received.
On August 18, the Statesman of Calcutta announced that over 170
persons had been killed and 1,(K)0 injured. On August 19, the
news was that 270 had been killed and 1.600 injured. On the 20th
the Statesman announced that the deftth roll was between 2,000 and
3,000. Thousands of refugees began to leave Howrah; and the
Bihar Government, fearing an outbreak in the province, issued
instructions to the magistracy and the police asking them to exercise
special vigilance in maintaining law and order. They were enjoined*
to enforce not only the ordinary law but also the traergency War
Legislation which had not yc^ expired and was to remain in force
until the end of September. The Provincial Armed Police^
Reserve were moved to strategic centres, e.g., Patna, Muzaffarpur,
Monghyr and Gaya. On August 28, the Statesman annnounced
that 3.468 bodies had so far been accounted for in Calcutta. The.

Direct Action Day and After 79

Interim Central Government was expected to take over charge at
Delhi on September 2, 1946, and this further complicated matters
because the Muslim League had not joined the Government and
their attitude was fraught with danger to the public peace. On
August 27, the Provincial Government issued telegrams to all
District Magistrates calling upon them to warn all important com¬
munal-minded persons. At the same time the officiating President
of the Provincial Congress Committee sent instructions to all
Congressmen to abstain from doing anything which might 'cause
offence to any party or group in the country. I'he situation at
the moment was so tense that at Ranchi the news of a buffalo fight
caused a panic. Shops were shut down and frightened women ran
home. The Provincial Government distributed a large number of
leaflets issued over the signatures of the Premier and leaders of
both communities. These leaflets asked the people to keep calm,
check rumours and show a spirit of tolerance, and, at all cost,
avoid a repetition of the unfortunate happenings at Calcutta. As
the result of these efforts the occasion of the Idul^Fitr (August 29,
1946) passed off without any incidents. Even on September 2, no
untoward incident happened and the Muslims who were not in
sympathy with the Interim Central Government happily flew black
flags on their houses. An undercurrent of tension, however, con¬
tinued during the following weeks although there were no incidents
of any type.

The first serious riot occurred on September 27, at Benibad
district Muzaffarpiir. News had gone round that a local Muslim
had brought a Bengali Hindu girl from Calcutta and was keeping
her against her wishes. Investigation proved that the girl had in
fact been brought from Calcutta but she had voluntarily embraced
Islam and had married her Muslim lover. The truth, however, was
not known till later, and in the meantime a riot broke out. A police
truck bringing magistrates and armed force to the village in order'
to quell the disturbance had a breakdown ^on the way and was
delayed. This unfortunate incident precipitated events and resulted
in a serious deterioration of the communal situation throughout
North Bihar. Fuel was added to the fire by a singularly stupid and
provocative act of the President of the Muslim League at Bihar-
sharif. This gentleman was the Secretary of the Cloth Distribution
Committee and in this capacity handled cloth ration cards. He
stamped every ration card with the words “ Allah-ho~Akbar, Leyke
rahenge Pakistan.” Nothing more unfortunate in the circumstances

Stern ftecko/iing

can be imagined. The trouble was, however, still local and con-’ '
fined to a small area. It was overcome oind the following days
showed an unprovement in the communal situation. Dussehra^
which fe’l on October 2 to 5, was peaceful, there being just one.
incident in Monghyr District where the police had to open fire
because the Sub-Divisional Officer and an armed police party were
s^^oned by the mob.

In this stale of tension the news of the Noakhali lawlessness
began to arrive The first announcement was contained in the
Statesman of October 16, 1946, and the issues of the subsequent
days brought talcs of horror, murder, loot and arson. The Muslim
League had joined the Interim Government on October 17, but the
utterances ot the Muslim League leaders showed that their deci¬
sion did not contemplate co-operation with the Congress. In fact,
Ghaznafar All Khan, speaking at Lahore, said:

“ We are going into the Interim Government to gel a foothold
to hght for our cherished goal ot Pakistan . The Intenin
Government is one of the Ironts of the Direct Action Campaign
and we shall most scrupulously carry out the order ot Mr. Jinnah
on any front that we are called upon to serve ”

I he happenings at Calcutta and Noakhali were associated with the
Direct Action p an ol the League The Hindus could not help
thinking that the campaign ot murder and loot in Calcutta and
East Bengal was pair of a well-laid and prc-conceived design to
intimidate and terrify the Hindus and the Congress so that they
should be forced to concede Pakistan. Leaflets containing direct
incitement to vio’cnce were recoveicd trom Muslims m various
parts of Bihar In some leaflets, printed in Delhi, over the name
of one Muhammad Ban, Hindus were described as the enemies
ot Islam and the writer referred to himself in the words of Saadi
as “ one whose head is to be found besrfleared with the blood and
dust of the battle-field ” These leaflets were traced to the Secre¬
tary of the local Muslim League in South Bihar. In the second
week of October two Maulvis from Hyderabad (Deccan) were
found in possession of three leaflets. These purported to have
been issued by Allama Amiruddm Sahib of Najore, North-Western
' Frontier Province One of them was addressed to Mr. Jinnah and
contained the following message*

“ So far we have given sufficient time to Indian infidels. It ^
is time to remove the darkness of infidelity and illuminate the^

Direct Action Dayjfind After $1 1

'' • whole universe by resplendent Islam. To accomplish this sub*
lime cause we must slaughter the infidels as was done in the
early days.’*

Another leaflet, found in circulation, was signed by one Habibur '
Rahman of Calcutta. This leaflet purported to contain the verbal
directions of Mr. Jinnah and set forth elaborate instructions for the
destruction of Hindu religion and culture, conversion and
murder of Hindus, murder of nationalist Muslims, Congress leaders,
and bestial attacks on Hindu women. No wonder the Hindu pub¬
lic of Bihar thought that the happenings at Calcutta and Noakhali
were merely an implementation of the directions and plans con¬
tained in these leaflets.

On October 25, a number of meetings all over Bihar were
organized to protest against the atrocities committed on the Hindus
in East Bengal. The authorities took stock of the situation and
after giving the matter their most careful consideration came to
the conclusion that it would be unwise to prohibit these meetings
as a prohibition in the circumstances would merely result in an
unhealthy bottling up of emotions. Directions were given to the
speakers to exercise restraint and moderation in their utterances.
At least, in one place, namely, Bhagalpur, these directions were
scrupulously respected. The Government had issued a circular
from which the following passage may be quoted:

“I need hardly emphasise the importance which the Pro¬
vincial Government attach to the maintenance of communal
peace which, except for a few isolated outbreaks, has been
maintained in this Province. The Emergency War Legisla¬
tion ... is of course no longer in force, but you should not
hesitate to use the provisions ol the ordinary law where you
consider it necessary and you should have no hesitation in deal¬
ing with agents provocateurs, and persons whose acts or utterances
may lead to trouble, whatever their status, party or creed.
Officers who have done their duty to the best of their ability and
judgment should rest assured that they will have full support of
the Provincial Government in taking whatever action they con¬
sider necessary to prevent a dangerous outbreak.”

These precautions, directions and exhortations were, however, of
no avail and October 25 saw a serious outbreak of trouble which
spread and increased during the follow ng days, reached its peak
on November 3 and 4. and then rapidly died down. During these
twelye dark days the Hindus of Bihar let their passions loose upon

Stern Reckoning

their Muslim brethren and drank deep of the cup of revenge.
Trouble began at Chapra, the headquarters of Saran District. A
meeting had been arranged in order to condemn the Noakhali out¬
rages ; but, before the meeting could be held, rioting started in
the town beginning with a fatal attack on a Muslim League prota¬
gonist who had been marked down by the hooligans for his com¬
munal activities. In the course of the afternoon and evening there
were eight or nine different riots in the town and altogether fifty
incidents were reported. The police opened fire on three separate
occasions at three different places and the military was sent for.
Trouble also started at Jamalpur in Monghyr District where the
celebration of the Kali Ptdja by the Hindus was interfered wbh by
some Muslims who threw brickbats. The disturbance was
temporarily controlled. At Bhagalpur there was a similar incident
and the Kali image uas stoned during the night. On the 26th, the
rioting gathered intensity and began to spread to fresh localities.
The rural areas in the vicinity of Chapra were aflame and a Hindu
mob advancing towards C'hapra was stopped only when the police
opened fire on them. In Monghyr town rioting had begun and
twenty-two persons were injured. In village Chichraun a Kali
procession was attacked by a Muslim mob and the image was
damaged by them. The Hindus were compelled to leave the
image in the fields and this gave lisc to a great deal of resentment
against the Muslims A riot broke out in Bhagalpur and in the
Tarapur area in Monghyr Distuct.

On November 2. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru arrived in Patna
and began an extensive whirlwind tour of the disturbed areas by
car. train and plane He visited Biharshanf. Jclli, Mouzipur,
Fatwa Khusrupur. Bakhliarpur, Patna City. Hilsa, .Tehanabad,
Gaya, and numerous other plates. He rebuked the Hindus and
told them tl;at retaliation would only bung fresh trouble and ruin
upon both communities. He comforted the Muslims and told
them to show courage and remain peaceful. The Hindus were
openlv hostile to Pandit Nehru and he liad to face an angry audi¬
ence at Patna after a Hindu mob had been ordered to be fired upon
at Nagarnausa. On November 3 and 4 trouble in all the districts of
Patna, Saran, Bhagalpur, Gaya and Monghyr was at its height.
Theie were cases of cold-blooded murders ol Muslims, dead bodies
were thrown in wells and property was looted and burnt. There
were some instances of Muslims attacking Hindus and these only
exacerbated feelings further. From two villages in Hilsa area it

Direct Action Day and After

was reported that Muslims armed with guns had attacked Hindu
houses and killed several people without provocation. This re¬
sulted in a terrible exhibition of mob frenzy and the punishment
exacted by the Hindus was severe. The killing in Tilhar. Telonar,
Masathu and Nagarnausa was on a large scale. The military and
the police had to open fire several times. News now came that
Gandhiji had started a partial fast to do penance for the Bihar
atrocities. He had declared his resolve to fast unto death unless
conditions in Bihar showed immediate improvement. Leaflets
announcing Gandhiji’s resolve and asking the people to put an end
to this mad orgy were dropped from the air over the troubled areas.
The Government mobilized all its machinery and resources to
attain the desired end. The Provincial Congress Organization
turned its whole attention to this purpose, and at once an improve¬
ment was noticeable. When the seriousness of Gandhiji’s resolve
was rca'ized, the mad frenzy which had suddenly seized the people
of Bihar towards the end of October and had raged unabated for
little more than a whole week, died down almost completely on
November 7. When Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru left Bihar on
November 9 after a week’s stay the situation had returned to
what might be described as normal, and on November 14 he made
a statement in (he Legislative Assembly in the course of which he
said:

“ The Bihar situation was brought completely under control
after a week and is quiet now. . . . This mass uprising lasted
almost exaeth a week. Just as it .started suddenly it ended
also equally suddenly. This rapid ending of a widespread
movement which was on the verge ol spreading to other districts
was remarkable. The military, of course, came in at .some later
stage and helped in restoring order. But a much more powerful
factor in this restoration of order was the fact that a large
number of persons, chiefly Biharis. spread out all over the
villages and faced the masses. News of the Mahatma’s proposed
fast also had a powerful effect.”

The happenings in the five above-mentioned districts of Bihar
are not a chapter of which the Biharis or the Provincial Govern¬
ment are proud. There has been no attempt to understate either
the terrible nature of the catastrophe or the losses, but it must be
made clear that exaggerated and garbled accounts of what actually
occurred were spread bv frightened or interested individuals. The
number of murders was increased out of all proportion to reality.

Stem Reckoning

It was alleged that a large number of Muslim women had been
kidnapped and converted to Hinduism Some Muslims earned
the skulls of victims to the North-Western Frontier Province and
exhibited them in the town of Harara. inciting the spectators to
exact vengeance from the kafin While it is not possib’e to pre¬
pare an accurate statement of the number of persons killed and
wounded a very careful and detailed enquiry made by the Pro¬
vincial Government has brought to light the figures contained in
the following table

Si AXEMEN!

Districts

Muslims

Hindus

Total

Muslims

Hindus {

Fotal

killed

kdied

killed 1

mjurt'd '

injured

Saran

114

122

101

””127“

Patna

^ 188

14^ 1

t 531

407

172 f

579

Gaya

S47

566

113

120

Monghyr

1 021

1,069

436

437

Bhagalpui

158

164

183

Sahai s i

Santal Pug mas

209 1

1 209

f 1 Railway

' 93

O T Railw IV

Grand total

“5I14

224-

5,5 SS"”

1 4^1

1,754

Some women must undoubtedly have been abducted but almost
dll ol them wcic itw(»\cred I here were haidly any conversions
and whe'n attei the iclurn of peace an announcement was made
inviting the Muslims to give names ot abducted women, no names
were mentioned In the second week oi November 1946 an assur¬
ance v\as given to Mian Iftikhar Hussain Khan ot Mamdol that
immediate action would be taken il the Relief Committee of the
Mus im League or any othci oigani/ation gave information re-
gaiding abducted women The Khan however, did not report a
single case Ihe Relief Committee of the Muslim League leportcd
one <^r two cases upon which prompt action was taken The
President of the Muslim League piomiseW to give a list of abducted
women to the Additional District Magistrate of Patna but no list
w IS furnished A Muslim lady M L A was asked to give such a
list but she loo did not communicate any information to the
Additional District Magistrate Lven Gandhiji at a meeting on
March W 1947 obsuved

‘ Since mv arrival in Bihar 1 have been telling those Muslims
who told me about the kidnapped girls to give me the names

* IhL rt thi Hindu c isunltiLs i suited trom ntlict ind military lirlnt on the

riotrtUN mobv

Direct Action Day and After

and the family connection of such girls in order to help them
finding out if they were still alive, but up till now not one .
name has been submitted to me 1 again ask you to submit
names of these unfortunate girls ”

Gandhiji, however, received no names Some stray reports of
kidnapping were received by the District Oflicers and prompt
action was taken on every one of these It may be mentioned that
in some cases the information given was of a vague and nebulous
type and searches earned out on the basis of such information
proved fruitless On January 15, 1948, eighteen women remained
untraced and a reward of Rs 1,000 for the lecovery of each one
of them was offered by the Government

Mention has been made of the numerous occasions on which
the police and military were ordered to open fire on the Hindu mobs
in order to stop the noting The following tables give <.umplete
mformation on this point

Statemeni B
B\ police

Serial 1
No 1

Districts

Occasions |

Rounds ^

Killed 1

Iniured

Saran

2 1

Saharsa

MuzafTai pur

O r Railway

nil

5 1

Patna

3S1

Over 57

6 1

Gaya

10 I

7 1

1 Monghyi

8 1

I Bhagalpur

—

plus a few

Santal Parganas

, 1 '

—

10 1

I 1 Railway

Total 1

, "2

556

plus a tew

1 Over 69

About 31

Statemem

B-1

B) Mtiitar\

Serial *
No 1

Districts

^ Occasions

Round:*

Killed

Injured

Saran

1 - 1

1 -

—

Saharsa

Mu/affarpur

1 1

—

O T Railway

- 1

—

Patna '

' 23 1

1,516 '

319

Gaya

3 1

1 54 1

4 1

Monghyr

1 1

1 '

Bhagalpur

—

Santal Parganas j

—

10 j

E I Railway

—

Total

~27

1,630

1 324 !

1 68

Stem Reckoning

The ordinary law was enforced with the utmost ngour and the
foUowmg table shows the number of cnminal cases brought against
the persons concerned m these riots

Statemfnt C

1 No of

1 1

1 persons

No of

Sena]

sent up m

houses

1 cases

1 Diitncts

criminal ;

searched

instituted

cases

Saran

1 982

444

1 243

Patna

9,668 1

1 4,690

1 1,304

Gaya

1,003

1 783

Monghyr

2 980

876

1 449

Bhagalpur

t 524 1

1 649

492

Santal Parganis

239 '

' 86

Saharsa

79 1

1 177

1 7

LI Railway

49 1

1 72

It IS to be noted that the disturbanees were confined to only
d small area of the province The number of Muslims killed has
been estimated at 5 3^4 and Muslims injured at 1 4S1 As against
this 224 Hindus lost their li\cs and weie injured Most of
the Hindu casualties resulted tiom police and militaiy hring on
the riotous mobs Out of a total of hflv four sub-divisions only
hftcen were affected and no sub-division was aflccted in its
entirety Out of a total of 18 869 villages in Bihar riots broke out
in 7^0 villages only I he total number of houses in Bihai accord¬
ing to the census of 1941 is 6 96 millions and a taiil> compre¬
hensive enquiry shows that only 9 869 wcie damaged oi destroyed
Thousands of Mushm families who .had left the province during
the troubles have returned Compensation on an average of
Rs 200 pei family has been given foi purposes of rehabilitation
Building advances were also made by the Provincial Government
Gandhiji paid three visits to Bihar in the early part of 1947 and
toured the rural aicas which had been affected during the riots
It was his threatened fast which brought the orgy to a rapid con¬
clusion and his subsequent visits helped to establish complete
conhdence in the minds of the Muslim population

IJI

Tuez!

Que fait hors des maisons ce peuple"! Qu’il s’en aille!
Soldats, witraUlez-moi toute cette canaille !

Feu! feu! I'u voteras ensuite, 6 peuple-roi /

Sabrez Vhonneur, sabrez le droit, sabrez la loi /

Que sur les boulevards le sang coule en rivieres!

Du tnn plein les bidons! des marts plein les civieres!

Qui veut de I'eau-de-vie? En ce temps pluvieux
II faut boire. Soldats, fusillez-moi ce vieux,

Tuez-moi cet enfant. Qw’est-ce que cette femm-e ?

C'est la mere? tuez. Que tout ce peuple infdme
Tremble, et que les paves rougissent ses talons!

* * * *

C'est fait, reposez-vous; et Von entend sonner
Dans les fourreaux le sabre et Vargent dans les.,poches.

De la hanque aux bwouacs on vide les sacoches.

Ceiix qui tuaient le micux at qui n'ont pas hronche
Auront In croix d’honneur par-dessus le niarche.

Les I’niriqueurs' en hurlant dansent sur les decombres.

Des tas de corps saignants gisent dans les coins sombres.
Le soldat, gai. feroce, ivre, complice obscur,

Chancelle, el, de la main dont il s'appuie au inur,

Acheve d’ecraser quelque cervelle humaine.

On boit, on rit, on chante, on ripaille, on amene
Des vaincus qu’on fusiUe, homm.es, femmes, enfants.

Les generaux dores galopent triomphants,

Regardes par les marts tombes a la renverse.

y. Hugo —Les Chatiments

CHAPTER THRE^

THE PUNJAB

These convulsions left the tranquillity of the Punjab undis*
turbed. News of the events in Calcutta, Noakhali and Bihar
horrified the people and gave rise to a feeling of insecurity but
produced no repercussions. Riots took place in Allahabad on
August 23, 1946, and at Garh Mukteshwar in the Meerut District
on November 6, 7 and 8 of the same year, and it seemed as if
the murderous monster were approaching. On August 16, 1946,
life in the Punjab had followed a normal and uneventful course.
The Muslim League held meetings throughout the province and
passed resolutions reaflirming their demand for Pakistan, but these
demonstrations were entirely peaceful. It was not till March 4,
1947, that the storm of lawlessness broke over the province, but,
when it came, it continued unabated (except for a few lulls) for
several months and attained a degree of horror and destruction
unequalled anywhere else.

There were several factors which contributed to bring about
this phenomenon. The Punjab has always occupied a peculiar
position in the history, economy and politics of India. A con¬
tinuous procession of invading hordes from the west made it
difficult for the province to have a settled and stable Government
for any length of time. The Punjabi did not develop a peculiar
indigenous culture. Political instability and frequent infusion of
fresh ideas made him singularly prone to imitate and accept
foreign notions about life and social behaviour. The birth and
rise of the Sikh religion helped to promote the virile* and
unorthodox spirit, native to the soil of this dry and vigorous land.
The Punjab has for long been the land of peasant proprietors, and
a comparatively even distribution of wealth resulting from this
circumstance has made for contentment and lack of interest in
political affairs. This indifference towards national aspirations
often made politicians lose their patience and accuse the Punjabis
of impeding the progress of the country and being a drag on the
rest of India. The British rulers kept a firm hold on this strategic
province and prevented the growth of political discontent. They
came to the Punjab as conquerors, established themselves in the
seat of power in a remarkably short time and, at one stroke,
7

Stem Reckoning»

annexed the whole province. They preserved the existing sys’^em
of land tenure which prevented the accumulation of wealth in the
hands of a few idle landlords, and the growth of an industrialist
class. The Government of the province was conducted on the
lines of a beneficent despotism. The ablest officers of the Indian
Civil Service were encouraged to choose the Punjab and they were
allowed a great deal of latitude in administrative matters. The
District Officer in the Punjab had far more power and prestige
than Ins prototype in, for instance, the United Provinces, where
his attitude was not so aloof or godlike. Small wonder that the
Punjab was called the Ulster of India and Congressmen despaired
of finding a satisfactory response to nationalist cries in the robust
heart of the Punjabi.

The population of the united Punjab, as recorded at the
census of 1941, was 284 millions, comprising 16.2 millions
Muslims, 7.5 millions Hindus and 3.7 millions Sikhs (the rest of
the population was made up ot Christians, etc). The western
districts were predominantly Muslim while the eastern districts
were predonimanll> Hindu, or perhaps more correctly non-
Muslim.'*' In the cential districts the communities were evenly
divided. The Sikhs were concentrated for the most part in the
central districts ot Ludhiana, Jullundur. Fero/eporc, Amritsar,
Lahore, Montgomery, Sheikhupura. Lyallpur and Gujranwala. The
population in the towns did not show a pionoun.ed bias in favour
of any particular community though non-Muslim interests in
property, commerce and industry predominaied in all the urban
areas

When the and lands m Sheikhupura. Lyallpur and Montgo¬
mery Districts were made culturable by the incidence of canal irri¬
gation, the pcasaiiN from the central aicas were persuaded to go
and coloni/e these lands. Large numbers of enterprising Sikhs set
up homes m the new colonies and thow skill and industry brought
prosperity to these hitherto unproductive districts. The Sikh
soldicr>, disbanded after the annexation of the Punjab, found em¬
ployment in the areas iriigatcd by the Upper Bari Doab canal.
L>al’pur has been described t as the daughter of Central Punjab.

' In iht Ainb I a' Division thi. pcri.(.nt<igc ot Muslims was i>n)\ 28 0'’ In Ihe Jiil-
iiinUui DiMsion ii wa ‘si pli (.cnt whc'cas in thi vttsurn distmts this hguie rose as
liiKii as 00 42 PLI tent in MiolIv 89 42 pLr cint in lliiliu'i and 86 42 per rent in Muzaf*
tiiRirh Muslims m R.iwilpindi Division were pe- tint and in the Multan Division

7^ 43 per tent

i Rv Sii Mill dim Dll ling

The Punjab

More ihan a hundred thousand Sikhs from Amritsar District alone
^ went to Lyallpur and helped to colonize it. In Montgomery there
were a hundred and ten thousand Sikh military grantees. Popu¬
lation in the eastern districts was always more congested than
in the western districts, and the establishment of these
colonies provided a measure of relief in the east and helped to
increase production in the west.* These Sikh colonists had their
roots in the eastern districts and the setting up of new homes in
the west did not involve a break with their original homes and
villages. It mean', in the majority of cases, nothing more than a
division of the family, some members of which remained in charge
of the o d ancestral lands w'hile others went over to the colony.
This preserved the family tics and kept alive the old as.sociation
with home and village This circumstance assumed great impor¬
tance when the question of partitioning the province was bruited,
and as responsible for much bloodshed in We.st as well as in East
Punjab.

Another factor which contributed towards the malevolence
and acrimony of the communal relations during and after the riots
was the peculiarity of the Punjab land tenure system. Reference
has already been made to this circumstance, but it is necessary to
dc\otc a little more attention to it. NineW-fitur per cent of the
landowners in the province paid less than Rs. .SO each as land
revenue ; yet they contributed nearly 60 per cc*i» of the total land
revenue of the province. Of the.se a very large number (17.59
lakhs) paid Rs. 5 or less per annum. Fherc were no more than
thirty-six persoitk paying a land revenue of more than live thous¬
and rupees per annum. This meant that a very large proportion
of the population had a stake in the land and was attached to the
soil. Among the noii-Miislims especially, the floating populaOon
engaged in iabour or menial tasks was almost negligible, whereas
a large number of Muslims, residing more particularly in the eastern
districts, had no proprietary interest in land. The Census Returns
of 1931 showed that the Muslim population of the Punjab was
14.9 millions and of these no less than 4.7 millions or more than
one-third, were weavers, cobblers, herdsmen, potters, mussalis
(sweepers), carpenters, o.lmcn. beggars, bards, barbers, black¬
smiths. butchers, washermen and mirasis. Again, the westeirn

* rtur popuhtion density in tht twelve eastern distticts ^hich now comprise £ast
Punjab was 327 persons per so mile as compared to 264 persons per aq mile in the
western distiicis. JThc pinduciion of the eastern districts was, hoKctei. onh 26 per cent
as compared to the remaining 71 iht cent of the western districts

92 Stem Reckoning

w. ^ t

districts were far more productive than the eastern districts, the
ratio of productivity being 71 per cent (west) to 29 per cent (east).
Cotton was grown almost exclusively in the west where thwe was
also a greater abundance of wheat and rice.*

The Sikhs thus had a very important landed mterest in the
districts of Gujranwala, Sheikhupura, Lyallpur and Montgomery,
which now form part of Pakistan. Some of their shrines possess¬
ing deep emotional and cultural associations were also situated
in this area. Nankana Sahib, for instance, where there are several
Gurdwaras commemoratmg the birth of Guru Nanak, the founder
of the Sikh religion, is in Sheikhupura Distnet. Another famous
shrine, known as the Gurdwara of Sacha Sauda, is situated in the
same district. The Sikhs were, therefore, attached to some of
the western districts by secu’ar as well as spir.tual ties. Such
being the state of affairs, i^ is not surprismg that their presence
was a source of annoyance to the Muslims and a hindrance to the
achievement of economic supremacy by them. Nor need we
wonder at the extent of resentment and the desire tor revenge
displayed by the Sikhs when they were uprooted from the land
they had developed and enriched, and were dnven out of their
homes

* * * *

ConstituMonal Reforms and Local Self-Government came to
the Punjab slowly and late Until 1920 the Lieutenant-Governor <
ruled the province without the advice or assistance of Executive
Councillors or of any non-official individual He, thus maintained
a fn m hold on the admin strative machinery. With the exception
of Sir Fazl-i-Hussain and Chaudhry Chhotu Ram, the Mmisters
appointed under the Chelmsford Reforms, were effete and
ineffective After the Government of India Act of 1935 Sir
Fazl-i-Hussain attempted to form a non-communal party repre¬
senting the interests of the Punjab zepimdars. He realized that
the algnment of parties on a purely religious or communal basis
would lead to a stalemate, as no party would be in a position to
command a clear majority or form a stable Ministry. The Unionist
Party organized by him had Hindu, Muslim and Sikh members.
Sir Fazl-i-Hussain died on July 9, 1936, before the elections were
held, and the leadership of the Party devolved upon the shoulders

* Ihe wheat produced in the eastern districts was only 15 7 per capita of the
population as compared to 2<> 3 lbs in the west On > 14 4 per cent of the total rice
produced in the prosince tame from the easum distneu

The Punjab 93

^of Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan, a somewhat lukewarm and timid
politician whose anxiety to keep himself in office frequently led
him into difficult and thorny paths, extrication from which was
only possible by a sacrifice of truth and integrity. He was thus
driven into situations where prevarication and suppression of
truth became necessary. His compromises with Mr. Jinnah and
Sardar Baldev Singh succeeded only in discrediting him both with
the Muslim League and the Sikhs.

The elections of 1937 resulted in a majority for the Unionist
Party. The Muslim League succeeded in winning two seats only
and one of the members resigned as soon as the Assembly met
and joined the Unionist Party. The Punjab had thus given a
decisive verdict against the Muslim League. Mr. Jinnah was anxious
to secure the support of a Muslim majority province and invited
Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan to the Lucknow Session of the All-India
Muslim League in October 1937. The Sikandar-Jinnah Pact*
thus came into existence and Sir Sikandar Hayat Khan divided his
loyalties between the Mu.slim League and the non-Muslim mem¬
bers of his Unionist Party. On the sudden death of Sir Sikandar
at the peak of his glory in December 1942, Sir Khizar Hayat Khan
Tiwana succeeded him as the Provincial Premier. His attitude
towards the Muslim League was a little more robust than that
of his predecessor and entailed a definite breach with Mr. Jinnah.
T he dismissal of Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan from the Ministry
on charges of corruption and nepotism created a bitter and voci¬
ferous opponent of Sir Khizar Hayat Khan and the Unionist Party.

The provincial elections, held in the begmning of 1946, were
marked by a display of unprecedented acerbity and vituperation.
The Unionist candidates were dubbed as heretics and s'aves of the
kafir Hindus. Muslim students from Aligarh were imported to
spread disaffection against the non-Muslims. Khizar Hayat Khan
found that, in this election campaign, Muslim officials were
ranged against him. The story is told of a District Inspector of
Schools telling the voters that unless they voted for the Muslim
League candidate their sons would fail in their school examinations.
He issued instructions to all school masters subordinate to him to
implement his wishes in this respect. He then went to see the
Deputy Commissioner and, believing him to be a Muslim, spoke of
his activities with a glow of pride. Unfortunately for him, the
Deputy Commissioner was a Christian with a Muslim name and

* See notes to Chaptjn* ni in Appeadis I.

Stern Reckoning

the mattei wa^ reported to the higher authorities Brailsford. the
well-known journalist who was an eye-witness of this election,
wrote ds follows

“ Ihree giedt powers confront the Muslim peasants the
feudal landlord the Government and the League Of these three
only the League can reach his emotions, and it has been in action
everywhere on behalf of the Mus im League It has created a fear
that Islam is in danger The clergy tells the peasants that their
hope ot sd’vaMon depends on their voting for the League and
sometimes they enforce this appeal by parading the loads with a
copy of the Quran 1 have heard the loudspeaker on their cars
shouting the slogan A curse on the infidel Hindus ’ Tic result
IS that a wave of communal feeling has gripped fhe Muslims of
this province who form a slight maiority of its population, and.
with rare exceptions, iliev have lalhcd to the demand for Pakistan
Few have thought it out in detail but in Lahore the avciage man
who can read a newspaper the clerk or the shopkeeper, does at
least know dimlv what it means He will tell you that he wants
a Stale in which the Muslims will lule I got no further in ques¬
tioning the well-educated upper stiatum When 1 asked whethei
Paki'-tan would build a taiifl wall against Hindustan eyen the
candidates answeied That is tor the leaders to decide’ I he
well-bred upper class is not fanatical Fanaticism is the exfxjdi-
ent ihe> use to win the masses " *

I he lesull of the elections was an overwhelming success loi
the Muslim League The position of the panics stood as follows
Muslim League 75 Congicss 51 (including one Muslim) Akalis 22.
Unionists 20 (mcludiim H Muslims) and Independents 7 The
Mus im League was thus the laigest party m the Legislature but
It did not pc's'css a clcai nidjoritv Anxious and prolonged negoti¬
ations between ihe various paitics followed and finally Sii Khi/ar
Havdt Khan was able to secure the support of the Congress and
Akali members and announce the peisonnel of his Cabinet The
Muslim Iciguc leaders were indignant and started a bitter cam¬
paign against lie Miinsti>

Soon aflct the passing of the Diiect Action lesolution at
Bombay a Piovincial C'ommittee of Action was appointed t An

• ) hi liihunt iLbiim 26 1946

1 IlK < ommittiL ccnsistid of Klun Iftikhar Ih sun Khin t Mantel U PiLsicleni
Rajt Cfhi initr Mi Kl in C onven r Sard-ti Shank u Hi vac K.han Malik Jermc Khan
Noon Shtikh k tram it Mi Mun Iftikhn ud l>in and Mian Sbdul memhLrs Mian

|i^)iinti UuiUina wis its i\ ITki mi.mix as hi. vtts m tht Central Committee of Mnon

The Punjab

appeal was made to Muslim lawyers to go forth as “ shock
troops” and mobilize the masses in anticipation of the coming
struggle. Students were enjoined to be ready for all emerg¬
encies and Muslim women were caMcd upon to learn First Aid.
Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan was assigned the task of enrolling
National Guard volunteers. Maulana Shabir Ahmad Usmani,
President. All-India Jamiat-ul-Ulenia-i-Islam, declared; “To
maintain discipline in the ranks when the war is on, to train our
soldiers in the technique of that war, to provide for its means and
materia', ‘o ensure its uninterrupted prosecution, to keep co-oper¬
ation throughout the country and to arrange for meeting the
requirements of the families of those who lose their lives are
•maUers which call for immediate planning on an extensive scale.”*
A programme of Direct Action containing twenty-three points was
rccei\ed from Calcutta and communicated to the League workers.
The programme contained detailed instructions for stabbing non-
Muslinis, setting fire to their houses and terrori/ing them. I

The National Guards were provided with army helmets pur¬
chased from the Militaiy Disposal Department and many of them
were given tirearms. 'I hey wore uniforms and were taught army
drill. Gioup physical training was also undertaken by members
of the Rashlriya Swayam Sewak Sangh on an increasing sca’e
though there is no evidence of the members of this organization
possessing any arms a< this stage. During December 1946 and
January 1947 professions of National Guards in military formation
began tc' parade the streets ol Lahore, shouting provocative
slogans. This display of what can only be called a hostile private
army compelled the Punjab Go\ernmenl to declare the National
Guards and the Rashlriya Swayam Sewak Sangh unlawful bodies on
January 24, 1947. The Rasluri>a Swayam Sewak Sangh submitted to
the order and allowed its premises to be scarehed and locked up,
but the Muslim National Guards took up a refractory attitude
and, when the police arri\ed at their Lahore headquarters, they
, offered lesistancc. The members of the Mus'im League Working
Committee, Mian Iftikhar-ud-Din, Sii Fero/e Khan Noon, Mian
Mum^az Daultana. Sardar Shaukat Hayat Khan and Khan Iflikhar
Hussain Khan of Mamdot, hurried to the spot and refused to allow
the search. They were immediately placed under arrest and the
premises were broken open. Over a thousand steel helmets, uni-

* Djwn September 21 i94fi

t See note (a) in Appendix 1 ptg.. 111

Stern Reckoning

forms and a mass of inflammatory literature were recovered by the
police. It was said at the time that firearms and daggers lay con¬
cealed in the residential houses of the League leaders and the name
of Mian Amif-ud-Din, Mayor of Lahore, was particularly men¬
tioned in this connection. Subsequent events showed that the
suspicions were not unfounded, for during the riots firearms were
seen to be used from the house of Mian Amir-ud-Din on several
occasions.

The next day Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan declared that the
National Guards were an integral part of the Muslim League and
that, therefore, an attack on them was an attack on the Muslim
League. This statement, coupled with the arrest of the Punjab
League leaders, was the signal for starting a ruthless agitation by
the Muslim League. The cases against League leaders were with¬
drawn on January 26 and the ban placed on the Muslim League
National Guards and the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh was
revoked on the 28th, but “ the League reaction to this was open
defiance”* and the war of nerves continued. The agitation was
ostensibly against the Khizar Ministry but, as this Ministry was
supported by the Congress and Akali Parties, it assumed a com¬
munal shape. Every day meetings were held outside the Mochi
Gate and violent speeches were delivered. Processions of students
and women were organized and sent to march through the streets
of Lahore in a most aggressive manner. Provocative slogans were
shouted, e.g., “ Leyke rahengey Pakistan—Jaise hya tha Hindu¬
stan ” (” We will take Pakistan just as we once took Hindustan ’*),
“■ Khizar kanjar hai hai (“ Khizar, the procurer is dead . O
sorrow ”), Pakistan zmdahad (“ Long live Pakistan ”), “ Unionist
Ministry murdahad ” (“ Death to the Unionist Ministry etc.

The processions usually terminated near the Assembly Hall
where the police made temporary arrests. A number of persons
who claimed to be leading the procession were taken into custody
and driven out of Lahore for a distance of ten or fifteen miles
and then left on the road. This was an extremely stupid way of
dealing with the situation, for the Muslim League workers took
a number of cars and followed the police vans. As soon as the
arrested persons were put out on the road they were brought back
to Lahore in the League cars within a few minutes. The public
naturaHy took the view that the Khizar Ministry was not firm

* Pumab Cio\ernnicnt Press tommunivut —Tivif anil MIhtan Gazette January 29 1947.

The Punjab

enough in suppressing this agitation because Khizar himself was
to some extent in sympathy with them. This may or may not
have been true, nevertheless, the fact remains that this agitation
and the farce of putting it down continued for a period of thirty-
four days. The processionists were not always peaceful. They
stopped cars on the Mall and interfered with the traffic. On one
occasion a huge procession entered the premises of the Lahore
High Court, wandered about the corridors, entered and damaged
Judges’ chambers, broke windows and articles of furniture. Some
of the agitators climbed on to the roof and replaced the Union
Jack by a Muslim League flag. The Union Jack was then burnt.
The damage caused to the premises of the High Court was esti¬
mated at several thousand rupees. On another occasion a pro¬
cession of these hooligans went to the District Courts and
smashed window-panes, doors and chairs. The police tried to dis¬
perse these processionists by firing tear-gas bombs at them, but
the agitators soon learnt that a wet handkerchief placed against
the nose is impervious to tear gas. One day a number of
respectable Muslim women led by Lady Shaft went to the house
of the Premier on the excuse of interviewing him. They entered
his drawing room and began to do siyapa as if the owner of the
house were dead. The Premier’s womenfo k were deeply affected
by this incident but no steps were taken to put a stop to these
unpleasant, and at times dangerous, activities.

On February 20, 1947. the British Prime Minister announced
that it was the considered intention of His Majesty’s Government
to transfer political power to Indian hands by June 1948 at the
latest and that this decision would not be affected by the happen¬
ings n this country. This added to Mr. Jinnah’s anxiety and
placed Sir Khizar on the horns of a dilemma. Mr. Jinnah had
now a liUle more than a year to ainsolidate his position in Western
Pakistan, and efforts to reach a settlement in the Punjab and
North-West Frontier Province were started. On February 25, the
Punjab Government agreed to place before the Assembly certain
Ordinances containing provisions prohibiting processions and
militant organizations. This was hardly satisfactory from the
League point of view as Khizar’s Government had a majority in
the House and these Ordinances would almost certainly be ratified.
On the other hand, Khizar’s position was unenviab’e. He felt that
he had lost the support of the Muslim masses and the agitation
against him was gathering force and venom. The official report

Stern Reckumr\g

ot Mr Akhtdr Hussain, Chief Secretary to the Punjab Govern¬
ment. for the month of February describes the state of affairs in
the province

‘ I he agitation which the Muslim League commenced on the
24th ot Janudiv has continued until the time of draf ing this report
It has atic-ted all districts in the province in a varying
degree and in p’aces there have been situations ot some
seriousness The campaign is one of deliberate disobedience and
defiance ot law conducted with a definite undemocratic political
motive So fai there has been no sign that the Muslim League
leaders at large oi in lail have been persuaded to a sense ot rcs-
ponsibilit> or <o reasonableness In the circumstan es Itc earH
icstoiatjon ot the punince to its noimal life cannot conlidcn<lv
be expected The law and oidei field mav be further and

adversely aflecicd il iht Muslim Leigue puts v-eitain ot iS thieats
into action Ihcst include inlcitcrence with conimunitations and
a campaign ot non pavrnent ot taxes In thiee place-. -Anint-
sai Jullunclur and Anibala tie police wcie toiced to rcsoit to
filing to tontiol iiniulv vioLnl ciowds and theie wtie casualties
on both sides some ot them of a serious kind

^ Among Hindu and Sikhs resentment to the agitation is
growing and paitcu’ail> in the case of the lattei in an ominous
degree On tie 12th ot rebiuarv Master laia Singh dcclaicd
that it was comniiina* in us c smtiils and had as its purpisse the
domination ot the Punjab bv Muslims He c.ilk 1 on the Sikhs
to prepaic ihemsclves to face the Muslim League onsl iiiglii and
towaids this end Hi t rgam/c the \ka] Iain ’

111 the circumstances Khi/ar cou’d not look torwaid to the
coiHimud support ot lus Hindu and Sikh colleagues as the course
of events in tht Punjab was widening the gulf between the Mus¬
lims and the non-Muslims 1 he ties rfhat bound the various ele¬
ments in the Unionist Paity were extremely tenuous Moreover
the Pun tab was pail ot Group B whuh had a picpoiideraiice of
Muslim populatum and the futuie ot a Punjab politician rested on
Muslim suppoit khi/ar had deemed it impohlic to deal with
the I 'ague agitation willi a him hand and his indceision had
eained him the odium of Muslims and non-Muslims alike The
former thought that his continuance in office was keeping the
Muslim League out of power while the lattei interpreted his mild¬
ness as sympathv tor the T eague 1 he compelling force of

The Puttfab

Ml Att’ee’s statement demanded an immediate decision but a
decision in the circumstances was no eas> matter Conditions
in the frovmce were tast approaching a state ot aiiatch> while his
own political tutuie was dark and un.eitain finally, realizing
that whether he weic in office or out he could exercise no influence
on the future affairs ot the Punjab he decided to quit and on
Maich 2, 1947. tendered his resignation He justitied his action
by saying that the declaration ot His Majesty’s Gov eminent of
February 20 had compleiciv changed the position and that he
must resign in order to let the Muslim I eague seek the co-opei-
ation ot other parties and foim a Government

Fvents now moved with a lapiditv that made mastcilul
administiation” of then course impossible 1 he Muslim League
was tiiumphanl and celebrated the occasion by illuminating then
houses and business piemiscs in the evening Ciowds began to
roam about the sticets shouting League slogans and congiatuldling
Khi/ai on having displayed so much wisdom and good sense
Khizai the toady the procurti and butcher was tianstoirned ovei-
night into a deai brothei \oimg boys stopped passers-bv on the
load and asktd them ‘ Have >ou heard the latest^ Khi/ai is our
brotl tf t On March the Govcinoi summoned Khan Ittikhai
Hussain Khan ol Maindot ll e ’eadei ol Mie Muslim I eague Party
in the Lcgislaluie and asked him to toim a Cioveinmcnt Khan
Iflikhai Hussain khan agiced and piomised lo give the names
ot his Ministeis on the lollowing dav

A wave of lescninient spread thiouah the Congress and
Panthic Parties All the teats engendtied bv the events of < al-
cuttd and Noakhali seem* d about lo be realized 1 he Muslim
League could not toim a Minisiiv without then co-operation '^nd
they dcicrmined U withhold it Ihev held a joint nicetiiig in the
Assembly Chambci and discussed tl e situation A laigc ciowd
of Muslims who had collccleJ ouSide kept up a continuous bariage
ot provocative Muslim I eague s ogans They said that thev would
take Pakistan b> force, it neccssaiv As soon as the meeting was
ovei Master Tara Singh and a number of Sikh and Congress
leadeis came out ol tic Assembly C hambei Mastci Tara Singh
stood on the stairs facing the hostile Muslim crowd and taking out
his kit pan llouiishcd it in front ot him He shouted hat ke
digiynge apni jan niaitgai nahm ih\nqe Pakistan (“We shall kill
ourselves and give >ou our lives but will never concede Pakistan ”)
This somewhat childish prank was about to develop into a most

100

Stern Reckoning

ugly incident when the police intervened and dispersed the orowd.
The same evening non-Muslims held a mammoth meeting in the
grounds of Kapurthala House and the leaders gave vent to their
pent-up anger against the Muslim League attitude. For six weeks
they had remained silent spectators of the Muslim League cam¬
paign but Khizar’b resignation and the prospect of a Muslim
League Government put too great a strain on their patience.
Master Tara Singh had. on February 28, given a Press interview
to a representative of the New York Times and had remarked, “I
do not see how wc can avoid civil war. There can be no settle¬
ment if the Muslims want to rule the Punjab. Wc cannot trust the
Muslims under any circumstances. The Sikhs had the ability to
keep the Muslims out of Eastern Punjab but why should we stop
there. We shall drive them out of the Punjab entirely. The Sikhs
have started to reorganize their own private volunteer army in
response to the Muslim League month-old agitation against the
Coalition Ministry of the Punjab in which the Sikhs are repre¬
sented.” In his speech on March 3. in the grounds of Kapurthala
House, he was even more categorical.

“ O Hindus and Sikhs! Be ready for self-destruction like the
Japanese and the Nazis. Our motherland is calling for blood and
\^c shall satiate the thirst of our mother with blood. By crushing
Moghulistan we shall trample Pakistan. I have been feeling for
many a day now that mischief has been brewing in the provnee
and for that reason 1 started reorganizing the Akali Party. If we
can snatch the Government from the Britishers no one can stop
us from snatching the Government from the Muslim*. We have
in our hold the legs and the limbs of the Muslim League and we
shall break them. Disperse from here on the solemn affirmation
that wc shall not allow the League to exist. The world has always
been ruled by minorities. The Muslims snatched the kingdom
from the Hindus, and the Sikhs grabbed it from the hands of the
Muslims, and the Sikhs ruled over the Muslims with their might and
the Sikhs shall even now rule over them. We shall rule over them
and will get the Government, fighting. I have sounded the bugle.
Finish the Muslim League.”

^ Giani Kartar Singh reminded his audience that the yellow flag
of the Sikhs used to fly on the Fort at Lahore and hop^ that the
same flag would fly again. The Congress speakers were not violent
but the audience could not overlook the fact that they spoke from
the same platform.

Kasera Bazar, Lahore, a purely Hindu locality

The Punjah

' 101

' These pompous and boastful utterances were mere empty
threats. The Akal Fauj of Master Tara Singh existed only in
his imagination and the preparedness of the Sikhs was nothing
more than a piece of wishful thinking. The folly of these provo¬
cative speeches was abundantly demonstrated by the manner in
which the non-Muslims and more particularly the Sikhs suffered
in the March riots. They found themselves without any means
of self-defence and perished in thousands.

On the following morning the non-Muslim students of Lahore
were to hold a meeting in the Gol Bagh.* The meeting was banned
and did not take place. Some of the students, however, collected
in the square in front of the Government College and trieil to
organize a fwrtal. The Principal, Mr. Bukhari, called the police
and the peaceful crowd was subjected to indiscriminate firing by
the police. A number of persons were killed. Another procession
of non-Muslim students later in the afternoon was attacked by
the Muslim National Guards. This was the prelude to the stabbing
of non-Musi ims in various parts of the city. Rioting now started
in right earnest and a number of Hindu shops in Sua Bazaar and
Chowk Rang Mahal were set on fire. By the evening thirty-seven
cases of non-Muslim casualties were reported in the Mayo Hospital.

The Governor abandoned the negotiations with the Muslim
League leader and took over the administration of the province
under section 93 of the Government of Ind.a Act. This did not
improve the situation and in no way helped to check the teiror
which had been let loose by the Muslims upon the city of
Lahore. Rioting at the same time broke out in the cities of
Amritsar. Rawalpindi and Multan and the rural areas of Rawal¬
pindi, Multan, Jhelum and Attock Districts. The similarity of the
pattern followed by the Muslim rioters in all these places indicated
a preconceived and well-developed plan.

Oh March 5, rioting had spread to almost all parts of the city
of Lahore. Hindus and Sikhs were stabbed in Gumti Bazaar.
Kinari Bazaar. Kasera Bazaar and Rang Mahal. The police
pickets suddenly disappeared from these localities. Shops were
looted and burnt. A Muslim mob assisted by National Guards
arrived in Rang Mahal and began to loot the shops. The non-
Muslim residents offered resistance. Thereupon a Muslim Sub-
Inspector with a police party arrived on the scene and opened firs

* The Ool Bagh is situated near the District Courts and opposite the Oovernment
CoOeie.

102

Stem Reckoning

upon the non-Muslim defenders. A Hindu young man had the
temerity to make a protest to ‘he Sub-Inspector and, on this, the
Sub-Inspector overpowered him and shot him dead. Instances of
this type were reported from several localities of Lahore. A num¬
ber of houses and shops in different parts of the city, all owned or
occupied by non-Muslims, were destroyed by fire. There was hardly
any traffic on the Mall. .Schoo s were closed down and it became
unsafe for children to venture out even in the middle of the day.
1'cnsion and anxiety increased on al’ sides, though the first fury
of the rioting died down after three or lour days, and, on March 11,
there was quiet in the city although the streets were completely
deserted and all shops w'ere shut. On March 14, Mr. Nehru and
Sardar Baldcv Singh paid a visit to Lahore and were horrified to
sec the damage done by the hoohgans.

Riots began in AmriKar almost s multancously. On Ma^ch 6
the train from Batala was stopped by a Muslim mob at Sharifpura,
a suburb of Amritsar. Several Hindu and Sikh passengers were
killed and when the train reached Amiitsar, pools of blood were
seen in main eompariments. 1 he women’s compartment contained
a number of dead bodies. A Hindu Magistrate posted at Amritsar,
had gone to Lahore for a day’s holida}. He hurried back to duty,
and. outside the railway station, he saw a crowd of frightened and
excited men rushing from the direction of the city. They were
shouting that firing had begun. Picking his way with difficulty
through this mob he reached home and rang up the District
Magistrate for instructions. To his astonishment, the District
Magistrate ordeicd him to go to the hospital and record the state¬
ments of iniurcd per^ons \x the hosphal he saw heads almost
severed from bodies, bellies ripped open with intcslmes protruding
from the wounds, arms and legs chopped off and all kinds of
horrible iniuiies. Many ot the parents could hardly speak and
anything they said could not stay the holocaust proceeding in the
citv On March 7 Amritsar was reported to be a veritable inferno.
Fires were raging in different parts of the city. Non-Muslim shops
in Hall Ba/aat, Kalra Jaimal Singh and the surrounding areas were
destroyed or greatly damaged. By the next day 140 deaths had
been recorded at the nuirtuary; the number of casualtie'; treated
in the two main hospitals wa*- 275. The actual number of dead
and wounded far exceeded these figures Many dead bodies were
consumed by the fire, others were buried under the debris of fallen
buPdings.

The e-ffect of arson in a street in Amritsar

The Punjab

10 ^

It appeared at first that the British Deputy Coiunus-
sioner and the Police officers had lost their heads and did not

possess the ability or the courage to deal with the situation. The
District Magistrate displayed an amazing degree of indifference
towards all calls for help, and the Muslim Deputy Superintendent
of Police declined to risk the lives of his policemen and proceed
to the city from where huge columns of fire and smoke could be
seen rising, while the shrieks of the fren/ied mob and their victims
added to the confusion and horror of the scene. It was, however,
soon clear that this indifference and lack of courage were due to a
callous disregard of non-Muslim life and property, for it was
observed that very few Muslims suffered during this preliminary
phase of the disturbances. All factories, save one. owned by non-
Mus ims within the jurisdiction of ‘D’ Division Police Station, were
burnt down. The Jawala Flour Mill alone stood intact and
supplied food to the city. If this mill were de.slroyed the whole of
Amritsar would starve. The Deputy Inspector-General of
Police was persuaded to. depute a guard of Hindu policemen for
Its protection. A day later the Hindu policemen were replaced by
Muslims, apparently under the directions of the Mus’m Deputy
Superintendent of Police, When a Hindu Magistrate rang up the
District Magistrate and asked him to call in the mililuiv and declare
Martial Law. the latter merely swore and banged the telephone
receiver down. The non-Muslim officers were placed in positions
from which they could make no contribution towards efforts to
restore peace. They were entrusted with routine duties of patrolling
the Civil Lines and the suburbs. They were frequently sent out
on a wild-goose chase to stop imaginary Sikh jalhas said to be
converging towards the town Muslim Magistrates assisted by
' Muslim Police officials were m charge of the city and lent their
support and connivance to the miscreants. 'I’hc Muslim hooligans
were well-organized mobs carrying their own ambulance arrange¬
ments Doctors in white overalls and stretcher-bearers accom¬
panied them on their raids. The Muslim League agitation of
January and February had prepared them for this event and they
had acquired a sense of cohesion and solidarity. On the other hand,
weeks of quasi-peaceful processions, when no open conflict between
the communities look place, had lulled the non-Muslims into a
false sen.se of security, and when the Muslim assault began they
were taken completely unawares. They juffered grievously both in
life and in property.

104

Stern Reckoning

The devastation caused by tire and the difficulties of leading
a normal life during long curfew hours were aggravated by the
breakdown of essential services. The scavengi^ staff disappeared,
the water-pipes in many places were broken or cut, electric supply
became uncertain. Heaps of night soil and dirt covered the streets
from end to end. Broken wires, electric poles and mounds of
rubble lying everywhere added to the gloom and desolation of the
city. Only the rationing service continued to function throughout.
The Rationing Controller* worked day and night and saw that
every depot was well supplied with flour. Inside the city he dis¬
tributed bags of flour to trusted residents, Mus:im and non-Muslim
alike, and gave them directions that they were to supply the needs
of the entire street or block of houses.

The rioting continued for a whole week before it was brought
under control.

In Multan, too, clashes began on March 5. The Hindu and
Sikh students of the local schools and colleges took out a proces¬
sion to protest against the shooting of peaceful students in
Lahore. A mob of Muslims armed with lathis, daggers and spears
and shouting “ Leyke rahengc Pakistan, Pakistan zindahad ” +
attacked the procession near Bohar Gate and inflicted injuries on
several students. Within a short time trouble spread to other parts
of the city and Muslim hoo igans ran about the streets murdering
Sikhs and Hindus, looting their shops and houses and setting Are
to them. This state of alfairs continued tor the space of three days.
Of the first eight persons killed, seven were Sikhs. Tliirty-eight
injured persons were admitted into hospital on March 5. The
victims had been attacked with swords, daggers or hatchets. Several
houses and shops were on fire and Muslim crowds were reported
to be obstructing the operations of the Fire Brigade.

A fanatical Muslim mob invaded the Shri Krishan Bhagwan
Tuberculosis Hospital outsid€r Delhi Gate and began to butcher the
miserable patients in their beds. The Hindu compounder who tried
to argue with the hooligans was immediately killed. Every sick
man, woman or child in the hospital was done to death and then
the hospital building was set on fire. Blocks of houses near the
railway bridge, known as Serai Wan Wattan, were sprayed with
petrol and set ablaze. About twenty-five houses owned by Hindus

* Mr R D Mathiir,

1 “We ihall not rett till we get FgUittii. Long live FgUMU.**

The house oi Seth Kalyan Das at Muluiu after it was
dewnlished by fire

lOS

The Punjab ,

on Circular Road were burnt down. Ali houses and shops on the
road leading from the Town Hall to Kot]a>Tola Khan, the houses
in Khuni Burj, the shops in Sabzi Mandi were looted and destroyed
by fire. The palatial house of Seth Kalyan Das was attacked and
burnt down. The owner came out to reason with the mob but
he was cut to pieces in front of his door. I>r. Saif-ud-Din Kitchlew,
the well-known Congress leader, was at the time staying witli Seth
Kalyan Das. He was recognized and was immediately surrounded
by a mob. A number of Muslim Leaguers took him to a house
and offered to release him if he signed the Muslim League pledge.
Dr. Kitchlew refused and tried to make his way to the railway
station. He was attacked and beaten but was able to escape alive

The temples and Gurdwaras in the city were looted and
desecrated. Many of them were burnt down The old Dharam-
sala of Bawa Sant Das, the Shivala in Serai Wan Wattan, the Jain
temple outside Delhi Gate, the shrine of Baba Safra, Kultaiian-
wali Dharamsala, the local Gaushala. were all reduced to ashes.
The temple of Jog Maya and the Ram Pirath Temple were dese¬
crated, the idols were smashed and thrown out. The devotees living
on the premises were slaughtered 1 he Pevpura Temple and Devta
Khu were similarly attacked and the inmates done to death.

A number of young girls were kidnapped. An Army officer
patrolling the town saw four non-Muslim girls being driven in a
tonga. They cried to him for help and he was able to rescue them

The pohee took no steps to quell these disturbances which were
wholly onesided At least one Sub-Inspector of Police was seen
shooting at unoffending Hindus and Sikhs An Army officer
arrested him but he was released on the orders of the Deputy
Commissionei and the Superintendent of Police. The military
finally brought the situation under control in the city of Multan
on March 7, but, in the meantime, the rural areas were ablaze and
looting and burning of villages started on a large scale. An Army
officer while on patrol duty saw fires in the villages of Aliwala.
Thulwala, Chak, Bhikwala, Kotwala, Kuruwala, Sukhanwala,
Bhandewala, Godhawala, Isawala, Turger, Chandhar and Khujan.
This continued for several days and it was not till a large Army
force was sent out with instructions not to brook hooliganism at
any cost that comparative peace was restored.

A number of other districts were involved. In the words of
;y4r. Akhtar Hussain, Chief Secretary to Government, Punjab,

106

Stern Reckoning

“ With the news of gMve events radiating from Lahore, there has
been bloodshed and burning in many districts and rural areas
have paid the price levied by insensate fury as well as towns ” The
district of Rawalpindi was the worst aftected area and the non-
Muslims who were in a small minority in the rural areas perished
in large numbers

On the morning of March 6. a crowd of Muslims collected in
Ra)a Bazaar, Rawalpindi, and began to raise the usual provocative
slogans Soon another crowd of non-Muslims faced them, shouting
counter-slogans A clash was averted but that night the Muslim
residents of Ratta Amral. a Muslim majoiity area on the outskirts
ot Rawalpindi attacked the Sikh and Hindu houses The houses
were set on fiic and some of the inmates were mcicilessly butchered
Many Sikhs were foicibly convened to Islam and their hair and
beards wcic lemoved There weic clashes in the city also but there
the communities were evenly balanced and the Muslims sufferea as
much as the non-MusIims By the next morning large numbers of
Muslims from the neighbouring villages had invaded the citv and
the Hindus and Sikhs weie oulnumbcied 1 he British Deputy
C ommissioner was apathetic Pei haps he did not possess the dbilit>
to cope with the extraordinary situation I he Muslim Additional
Distiict Magistrate openly connived at the misdeeds ot the Muslim
mobs and when a seiiiot Sikh Advocate asked him loi police assist¬
ance the Additional District Magistiatc accused him ot spreading
false rumours and added that he was only endangering his own life
I he next day a Muslim police constable tiicd to shoot this Sikh
Advc'cale Military pickets were posted in various pails ot the citv
but thc> did nothing beyond standing and looking on as interested
spectatois oi the looting and killing taking place vyithin a few yards
of them They said they had no ordets to leave their posts for
thiee days noting went on in the c^v Shots were continuously
hied tiom the Junmia Mosque at Hindus and Sikhs residing in the
locality On March 7 oi 8 * the President of the Cantonment
Muslim League invited elcycn Hindus and Sikhs to form a Peace
Committee foi rc-establishing communal amity The meetmg was
held m the house ot the Pi evident which stands at a little distance
tiom the mam ahadi No sooner had the members of the Peace
Committee collected thcie than Muslim^ began to anive as if by

* rhe witnesses who rclitcd this incident were making tbur statements after several
months ind (.otild nil remember the exact date

The Pimjab

107

previous arrangement wifh the host.. Seven of the eleven non-
Muslim members were murdered at the spot. Another two who
succeeded in escaping remained under medical treatment for a con¬
siderable time. The police refused to register the case. The son
of one of the murdered persons was the stenographer of Mr. Scott,
Deputy Inspector-General of Police. Mr. Scott ordered that the
case should be registered but his order was not carried out for seve¬
ral days. It is scarcely necessary to add that the murderers were
never brought to book.

Conditions in the rural areas of Rawalpindi beggar description.
On March 6, 1947, meetings were held in the village mosques and
the Muslims were told that the Jumma Mosque at Rav^alpindi had
been razed to the ground by Hindus and Sikhs and that the city
streets were littered with Muslim corpses. The audience vere
exhorted to avenge these wrongs. The village population of the
district of Rawalpindi has a large proportion of Muslim military
pensioners possessing firearms and other weapons. These men, in¬
cited in this manner, rose up against the non-Muslim residents and
attacked one village after another. The modus operand} was
almost invariably the same. A mob of Muslims armed with all
kinds of weapons, shouting slogans and beating drums, approached
a selected village and surrounded it from all sides. A few non-
Muslim residents were immediately killed to strike ten 3 ; throughout
the village. The rest were asked to embrace Islam If they
refused or showed reluctance a ruthless assault was launched
upon non-Muslim life and property. Some members of the mob
started looting and burning their houses and shops. Others
searched out young and good-looking girls and carried them away.
Not infrequently young women were molested and raped n the
open, while a'l around them frenzied hooligans rushed about sljout-
ing, looting and setting fire to houses. Most of the non-Muslims
would leave their houses and run to the local Gurdwara or a house
affording some measure of protection or defence and there men,
women and children, huddled together, would hear the noise of
carnage, see the smoke rising from their burning homes and wait
for the end. The horror of what they saw or heard made them
insensible to pain or suffering. Some .women would commit suicide
or suffer death at the hands of their relations with stoic indifference,
others would jump into a well or be burnt alive uttering hysterical
cries. The men would come out and meet death in a desperate
sally against the marauders.

108 Stern Reckoning

^ i

Some villages were completely wiped out Houses and shoj^t
were looted and then burnt down and demolished Conversion
saved the li\es of many but not their property Refusal to accept
Islam brought complete annihilation The men were shot or put
to the sword In some cases sma’l children were thrown in caul¬
drons of boiling oil In one village men and women who refused
to embrace Islam were collected together and after a ring of
brambles and hrewood had been placed around them they were
buint alive A. woman threw her four-month old baby to save it
from burning The infant was impaled upon a spear and thrown
back into the tire In Murrec nearly a hundred houses belongmg
to non-Muslims were systematically marked and burnt down

In as manv as 110 vi lages attacks of this nature were made
bv Muslim mobs A conservative estimate, based on the evidence
of over two hundied witnesses places the number of persons killed
at two thousand and five hundred, the number of peisons forcibly
converted at more than three thousand and the number of girls
kidnapped at two bundled *

It is impossible to give a detailed account of these happenings
Wc content oui selves by giving a tew representative instances t

The Mushm League leaders of Kahu<a sent out messages to
the Muslims of the neighbouiing villages inviting ihcin to collect at
Kahula on Maich 7 and take part in a flag hoisting ceremony A
huge gathering was held in the local mosque but what transpired
at this meeting remained secret Larly on the following mormng
many thousands ot armed Muslims airived ir Kahula The ion
Muslims approached the Tchsildai and also invoked the help of
the Sub-Inspector of Poll e lelegiams were sent by the Lambardar
but It transpired later that the Muslim Sub Postmaster did not
liansmit them By chance a detachment of a British Army unit,
on patrol dutv arrived at Kahuta but they were sent back by the
Tchsildar who assured them tTial there was no danger of any dis¬
turbance occuring Within a short time ot the detachment leaving
the town, a determined attack was launched by the Muslims The
lowers of the mosque and the hillocks suiiounding the town were
occupied by gunmen and a volley ot shots was tired to fnghten
away the non Muslims Crowds then ran into the town, sprinkled

* rhiSc III. nc rtIdU U tht lural net niv tnd do not include the idsultiis of a
nunibcr ot smillci \iIIrsi.s when disturban (s nrr report(,d to have occurnd but from
^ert no wiintssL win L<(Ainintd Sec iK pifte 112 foi the fticul tigurcs
f Stc also lilt nl L Bivtn in SppcndiX II

The destruction oj Bewal. District Rawalpindi

The hmiah

309

petrol on houses and set them on hrc. Large quantities of mov¬
ables were removed and carried away on camels, donkeys, mules
and motor lorries. The annual examinations were being held in
the Government Girls’ School. The Assistant District Inspectress
asked the Sub-Inspector of Police to depute two policemen to guard
the school. This request was refused and a little later
the school was attacked by a mob of Muslims. The Tchsildar
himself was seen shooting at non-Muslims with his gun while his
orderly carried his box of cartridges. The Hindus and Sikhs of
the village sought refuge in the Gurdwara and remained in a state
of siege for twenty-seven hours without food, water or sanitary
arrangements. Shots fired at the Gurdwara caused the death of a
few non-Muslims. On the afternoon of March 9, the military
arrived and evacuated the non-Muslims to the Civil Rest House
from where they were escorted to safety. They were, however, com¬
pelled to leave all their movable and immovable property behind.

Bcwal was a village of mixed population, the Sikhs numbering
about four hundred. On the morning of March 10. some of the
Sikh residents tried to travel to Gujar Khan but the Muslim lorry
driver refused to carry them on the ground that the Sub-Inspector
of Police had forbidden the issue of lorry tickets to Sikhs. The
same afternoon a large crowd of Muslims shouting “Kn AU, Ya
Ali” to the beating of drums, was seen approaching. The non-
Muslim villagers entrenched themselves m two improvised shelters.
At 11 p.ni. the raiders set fire to a number of non-Muslim houses
on the outskirts of the village. The siege of the village continued
throughout the night, and. on the morning of March 11, fresh gangs
of raiders arrived. The assault on the non-Muslim sanctuaries was
now opened. Houses around the Gurdwara, where many of the
Sikh residents had taken shelter, were se< on fire. The fire spread
to the Gurdwara and those inside were almost all burnt alive. The
house of a retired Extra Assistant Commissioner, m which the rest
of the non-Mus'ims had collected, was also attacked in a similar
manner. Very few of the four hundred Sikh residents escaped alive.
Many women and girls saved their honour by self-immolation.
They collected their beddings and cols in a heap and when the
heap caught fire they jumped on to it, raising cries of “Sat Sri
Akal” The raiders behaved in a most cruel manner and subjected
the few men whom they captured to torture. The eyes of Mukand
Singh, one of the residents, were removed from their sockets and
he was dragged by ihe legs till he died.

* 1)0 Sum Recko^ng

* ^

Doberan had a population ot seventeen hundred of whom a

very large majority were Sikhs On the mommg of March 10,
swarms of armed raiders from the neighbouring villagc> began to
collect in front of Doberan The non-Musim lesidents sought
shelter in the local Guidwara The raiders began to loot the houses
thus deserted and set hre to them T he Sikhs had a few firearms
and 1 ought the raiders from the Gurdwara They, however, suffered
heavily and soon ran out of ammunition The raiders asked them
to surrender their arms and promised not to molest them About
three hundred of them came out and they were placed m the house
of one Barkdt Singh During the night the roof was ripped open,
keii^scnc oil was poured m, and those inside were burnt alive In
lilt morning iht doors oi the Gurdwara were broken open The
icmainmg Sikhs dashed out sword in hand and died fighting the
ididcis Veiy few escaped fiom this hideous massacie The total
loss ot life in this village is estimated at S06

In Oazian a village live miles tiom Guiai Khan, tlic atmos¬
phere on the morning ol March 7 was tense Oa/i Ghulani Hus¬
sain a ictiicd (lovcinnient oirittal, assured the Sikh lesideiits that
theiL was no cause toi alarm and that they were perfectly sate m
his village On the morning oi March 9, a lai^e «.r'>vvd of Muslims
began to assemble near the village ahaclt on the pretence of hold¬
ing a kahadiU match A few houis later this crowd cnwiiwled the
village The Muslims advanced with the beat of diums and began
setting fire to the Sikh houses and Guidwara Shots were hred at
the 1 aiders and they retreated On the following mornino they
came back, reinforced, in larger numbers Qa/i Ghulani Hussain
asked the Sikhs to come to h s house for the nigh with their
valuables number of Sikhs a.cepted this invitation and went
thcie with their women and chi'drcn At 4 pm the riideis ap¬
peared in fioiit ot 0d7i Ghulam Hussain’s hoiisv and the Oa/i
then asked his guests to surrender ihcir arms and leave h s house
When the unarmed Sikhs emerged from the house they were set
upon by the laiders and murderad Three young girb were raped
in public Sant Singh, a Sikh resident, had on the previous day
killed one ol the Muslim raiders and had then hidden himself He
was sent foi by Oazi Ghulam Hussain and. while he was talking
to him, a rope was flung round his neck and he was dragged to a
fiiewood stall where he and his son were hacked to bits and then
burnt The suivivors were evacuated to Gujar Khan by militaiy
lories on the night of the 1 Ith

The Punjab *'

^111 •

, Nara village is situated in a h lly tract. It had a majority of
Sikhs but the neighbouring villages were all predominancy Mus¬
lim. At about 4 p.m. on March 9. Muslim mobs were seen
approaching the village and, late at night, the village was attacked
and the outlying houses were set on fire. One of the residents,
Makhan Singh and his wife and daughter were burnt alive in their
house. The looting and burning continued on the following day.
Some of the raiders had firearms and they appeared to be cx-
military men. On March 11 the number of raiders swelled to several
thousands and the village was encircled. As the ring narrowed
the Sikh residents offered a stubborn resistance. The raiders
seized a number of women and children and threw them into the
blaze of a burning house. A few women committed suicide by
jumping into a well. Over a hundred men were killed ; about fifty
were forcibly converted to Islam. The survivors were evacuated
to Gujar Khan.

Moghal was a Muslim majority village with a population of
about two hundred Sikhs. On the midnight of March 9, the village
was attacked by a large mob of Muslims. A number of Sikh
houses were set on fire. The Sikhs collected themselves in the
Gurdwara and, with the two rifles which they possessed, returned
the fire of the raiders. The fight continued till the evening of
March 10 and there was loss of life on both sides. Then a Muslim
ringleader, Oa/im Khan of Dadochha, swore by the Quran that
the Muslims had no wish to do injury to men of such courage,
and undertook not to molest the Sikhs if they came out unarmed.
Sikhs had exhausted their ammunition and had no choice left but
to accept Oazim Khan’s terms. When they came out of the
Gurdwara the rioters fell upon them and hacked them to pieces.

At Dhamali, a village in Tehsil Kahula, a mob of over
a thousand raiders arrived on the evening of March 9. There
was exchange of lire and the raiders retreated. The next
day, a bigger crowd appeared but this also retreated after
an exchange of fire. On March 12 a crowd of several thousands
arrived and began to set fire to the village. A Hindu resident of
the village offered terms of peace and the raiders demanded fourteen
thousand rupees for the safety of the village. The money was paid
and the raiders left. The next day (March 13) the raiders again
appeared in the afternoon. The non-Muslim residents, now des¬
perate. ran out with whatever weapons they had and i tracked the
raiders. Very few of them, however, escaped and t is estimated

r. ^ K ' ,

' 112 'Stern Reckoning

•L

i W

that not less than five hundred non-Muslims of the village were
killed. When Dhamali Jay in ruins and almost the entire non-
Muslim population had been decimated, military lorries arrived
to render assistance to the Hindus and Sikhs. It was then too late.

Almost every village in the Rawalpindi District where non-
Muslims lived was attacked and plundered in this manner and
Hindus and Sikhs were murdered and subjected to indescribable
barbarities. In Thoha Khalsa some Sikh women were thrown into
a well, others jumped in of their own free will to save themselves
from being raped. A mob of several thousand Muslims raided
Harilal. the birth-place of the Akali leader Master Tara Singh.
Master Tara Singh’s house was razed to the ground and his uncle,
Gokal Singh, was killed. Kuri Dalai and Dehra Khalsa were
looted and burnt. In Kallar the residents resisted the raiders for
a time stubborn'y, but the village was eventually looted and burnt,
and large numbers of residents murdered.

This wholesale massacre and plunder in Rawalpindi District
ceased in the middle of March and there was comparative peace
for several months. The Muslms had achieved a decisive victory
in the opening battle of the war for Pakistan. Mr. Williams, Home
Secretary to Government, Punjab, in a note written on July 26,
1947, gave the comparative figures of casualties as follows:

Number of persons killed

Non-Muslims 2,263

Muslims. 38

Number of persons inpned

Non-Muslims . 234

Muslims . 126

These figures, however, nowhere approach accuracy as “ owing to

the widespread nature of disturbances and breakdown of normal
administrative machinery ” more accurate statistics could not be
prepared. The information given was collected from the number
of cases registered with the police. “They do not include losses
inflicted where whole families were wiped out and no claims were
made.” The non-Muslim population of West Punjab feared that
these incidents were merely a foretaste of what awaited them in
the future State of Pakistan. The Chief Secretary of the Punjab
recorded. “ It s safe to say that feelings between them were never
so strained or chances of their coming together ever so remote.

1X3'

The Punjab

i Jnviliibly but definitely all non-Mu&fims have been drawn together
and there has been d mdnitest stiffening in their resolve neither to
collaborate with the Muslims nor suffer then domination The
prospect IS not impioved by the brutality of some of the acts
committed by the majority community (Muslims) in the areas most
affected ” On April 2, Hindu and Sikh leaders made a demand
for the partition of the Punjab and asked Mr Nehru to exeicise
his influence in this direction

Lord WavelPs pro-Lcague attitude and his clumsy handling
ot the political situation forced the British Government to lecall
him and send out Lord Mountbatten in his place The demand
for the partition of the Punjab was placed before the ne^v Viceroy
On April 15, he was able to persuade Mr linnah to |oin Gandhiii
in issuing a joint appeal for peace This appeal was received well
in the foreign Press and the London fimes observed that it marked
“an important change in the outlook of the Muslim League ' It
did not, however, improve the situation in India one whit Many
thought that Mr Jinnah had been persuaded into ssuing this
appeal against his wishes and that he was, at heart, glad at the
course of events in the Punjab Muslim piepaiations foi a laige-
scalc offensive continued The Chief Secretary reported in April
1947 that an additional 5,610 National Guards had been lecruited
“ In the Pastern Punjab active training has been uinfined mainly
to Sim’a Ambala Cantonment and Panipat where Guards have
bee exeicising secretl> in lathi fighting ” He estimated that the
numbei ol Muslim League National Guaids was about thirty nine
thousand

Three days before this appeal was issued (on April 12) there
was a recrudescence of trouble in Amritsai, aftci a respite of
neatly five weeks Pifteen men weie killed and thiity-two injured
Pouiteen places, including two lactones in Oila Bhangian, thiee
shops in Kucha Chhappar Wala and eight houses in Kucha Saroop
Singh were entirely gutted The fire brigade recoveied some pieces
ot cloth soaked in kerosene oil and a broken bottle i)l keiosene oil
from in front of several houses Irom now onwards there was no
peace m Amritsai or Lahore Aison and stabbing cases became
a normal state of affairs and cea'-ed to arouse sui prise The resi¬
dents began to pursue their usual avocations regularly But there
was no peace of mind, no feeling of security a lurking fear haunted
the men whether they were at home or outside A man walking
along the Mall would suddenly turn round to make sure that he

114

Stem Reckoning

was not about to be stabbed m the back. People stopped going
out to lonely places or paying friendly calls after dark The non-
Muslims took special precautions foi safeguarding their personal
property In the narrow lanes of the city of Lahore, barred iron
gates were put up and these were closed at sundown. Women did
not go out to shop unless accompanied by male members of their
family Underneath the apparently normal life a continuous fear
and tension gnawed at the hearts of men, and the universal opinion
was that worse things were yet to happen

On May 9, serious trouble again broke out in Amritsar.
On the following day a party of twelve Sikhs was returning
to the city aftei cremating the body of a child They were waylaid
by a gang of armed Muslims who beat them and then, after sprink-
line petrol upon them, set fiie to the bodies Seven of the party
died at the spot whi'c the lemainmg fnc sustained se\ere wimnds
and burns Other incidents followed and the Chief Secretary in
his official repoit said ‘Some of the acts committed (by the
Muslims) were shocking in then stark biutality, and an attack on
a funcial parts of a child in which six Sikhs and one Hmdu were
killed has added to an already ovei-long list of Muslim atrocities ” *
When the Muslim hadmmhc s of Aniritsai noticed that trouble had
not simu tancouslv broken out at Lahore they sent some glass
bangles to that city The present was intended to bung home to
the Lahore Muslims their cowaidice and effeminacy in not Miidi-
cating the honour ot Islam I rouble at once broke out in Lahore
and on May 14 Ihcie were several stabbing cases in different
paits of the city Nine peisons were killed and twenty injuicd A
Muslim mob, aimed with hatchets, swords and lathis, invaded the
Shahalmi Gate area and set liic to a shop Eaily the following
moining icports of gunshots could be heard from the direction of
Mochi Gale

During the night an exchange of brickbats and bottles con¬
taining explosive material had taken p’ace and a number ot fires
were started “ Delirious noisy slogans and war cries rent the
sk> ” f Bitter fighting continued throughout the night People
stood on the loofs ot their houses shouting and hurling down
biickbats, etude country-made incendiary bombs and fire-balls
On May 16, the intensity and bitterness of the conflict achieved a
new lecord The whole of the city seemed to be ablaze with a

* Iht Chid Stcrctiiy it must bt rcmimberLd «a i Muslim olfit^r of the Indian OviJ
Sets ICC (Mr Akhtic Hussain)

• ( /111 and Mllitarv Ca rite May 16 1947

'■'thefuniab''' ' . UJ;

; 402611 mighty fires* raging in different localities. The stabbing

'went on unabated. This state of affairs continued for several
days. Entire streets and rows of houses were consumed by fire
and reduced to a heap of rubble and ashes. The bazaar inside
Shahalmi Gate, once the main centre of the provisions trade, was
reduced to a complete wreck. Mounds of hot smouldering build¬
ing material made the road impassable. The demolition of burnt
or half-burnt houses to prevent the spread of fire added to the
desolation. The bazaar inside Akbari Gate was a hot glowing
oven. Every shop and house had been destroyed in the non-
Muslim blocks and bare blackened walls lined the street. Hindus
and Sikhs began to leave the city and, each day, during the hours
when curfew was suspended, long lines of these unfortunate people,
smitten by the scourge of religious frenzy, could be seen moving
from all gates of the inner city and converging towards the railway
station. They carried beddings on their heads, small bundles in
their hands: the women carried young children and bundles of
clothes hurriedly tied up in a duster or old dopatta. They had left
the major portion of their belongings to perish or to be looted. They
had abandoned their houses and shops to the future State of Paki¬
stan. Their faces grim with the memory of what they had seen,
their eyes full of a vague fear of the future, theii minds darkened
by the shadow that hung over their heads, their one conscious
thought was ‘ flight,’ though the end of the journey was not in sight.
And so these pitiable processions of mute humanity continued to
move day after day in an ever-increasing volume. From Multan,
Gujranwala, Jhelum and Rawalpindi people were moving east¬
ward in batches of dozens and scores. Soon this exodus became
the rout of a helpless and defeated people.

The Muslim police and some of the Muslim Magistrates made
a very important contribution to these destructive operations. The
Hindu and Sikh police personnel were kept on routine duty in
the Police Lines while the Muslim constables and officers were
entrusted with the duty of maintaining peace and enforcing the
curfew orders. The curfew was seen to work solely for the bene¬
fit of the Muslims. During curfew hours Muslims were seen to
move about freely. A party of them would enter a Hindu shop
or house and set fire to it with the help of petrol or fire-balls.’’'

* The fire-ball oi hrc-iro/a, a«> ii came to be known, was a new inscntion manufactured
during the riots It Lonsisied of a Urge roll of string and a cloth soaked in coal-tar and
petrol It could remain alight toi a lonaiderahle time and proved to be a ven efficient
weapon tor spreading fire

' i *

116 Stem Reckoning

When the owners rushed out to extinguish the fire they were
arrested or shot for violating the curfew orders. If there were
danger of the fire spreading to a Muslim building, a Muslim group
would arrive and. with the help of the police and the fire brigade^
control the tire. This procedure was adopted on a large scale in
the Mozang area. Here the houses in the front line belonging to
the non-Muslims were burnt down while scarcely a single Muslim
house was damaged. The activities of a Muslim Magistrate be¬
came notorious in Lahore. He was personally responsible for the
death ’of Mr. Sethi, a Sub-Divisional Officer of the Electricity
Department, who came out at night to attend to his official duties.
Mr Sethi had a curfew pass but the Muslim Magistrate ordered
him to be arrested and within a few minutes he was shot. When
a privately owned fire brigade came to attend to a fire in a block
of Hindu houses, the water-hose was cut under the orders of the
same Muslim Magistrate. He remarked that the Municipal Fire
Brigade was the only one entitled to attend to these tiies.

It was about this time (May 1947) that the non-Mushms in
'Lahore and Amritsar began to hit back. Rumours went round
that the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh had taken upon them¬
selves the duty of defending Hindu life and property. Thcie were
cases of Muslims being stabbed both in Lahore and in Amritsar.
The results achieved by the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh were,
however, grossly exaggerated. The Hindus frequently boasted that
they had not lacked courage in striking back. The Sikhs also
bragged about what they had accomplished. There can be very
little doubt, howcvci. that in Lahore the Hindu and Sikh casualties
far exceeded those of the Muslims, while the Muslim loss in pro¬
perty was almost negligible. In Amritsar it was icporled that
the .score was about even* though, there also, the Hindu loss in
propel(> was several times the Muslim loss.

In the meantime discussions and negotiations between the
various political leaders and the vTceroy w'ere proceeding. The
Congress was anxious to avoid a partition ol the countr> and was
prepared to make many concessions in order to ictain the integral
unity of India. Mr Jinnah, on the other hand, was insistent on
his demand for Pakistan. The non-Muslims of the Punjab wanted
a partition of the province if a separate Muslim State were set up.

* In thi. month ol Miy a Hindu lawyer paid a mmI to a Musiiti Judtte of tht High
Court and durins the (.oiirsc ot this visit a tclephoni. message was received trom Amritsar
The Muslun Judge stid taughinglv that the score in Vmriisar w<is even and that the Muslims
bad nut done so bidh

117

The Punjab

They said it would be impossibie for them to live in Pakistan
and pointed out that the events in the Muslim majority areas of
sWest Punjab had amply demonstrated the utter futility of expect¬
ing the Muslims to safeguard their life and property or treat them
with justice. The eastern districts had a predominantly non-Muslim
population and there was no justification for including them in
the Muslim State of Pakistan. Mr. Jinnah twisted this argument
in his own favour and urged the imnjediate necessity of dividing
the country into Muslim majority and Hindu majority areas, each
independent of the other. This, he maintained, was the only solu¬
tion and the only way of putting an end to the fratricidal war. The
inexorable logic of separatism and the two-nation theory forced
Mr. Jinnah to accept the partition of the Punjab and Bengal. “ The
moth-eaten and truncated Pakistan ” which he had spurned a few
years previously was now the only choice before him. But he was
adamant and unequivocally declared that he must have a separate
independent Mu<>Um State and a Muslim hQmeland. Once, during
the discussions, when the unwisdom of cutting up the country and .
setting up two widely separated and attenuated States of Pakistan
was pointed out to him he picked up a box of matches and, strik¬
ing a dramatic pose, exclaimed with considerable heat: “ Even if
[ get so much territory for a separate State of Pakistan I shall
insist on partition.” Further argument was useless. Months of
anxiety and tension had weakened the resi.stmg power of the Con¬
gress leaders. They had been struggling with the Muslim League
both inside the Government and outside. The policy of the Mus¬
lim League members of the Interim Government had been one ol
avowed obstruction. They maintained that they had entered office
merely to fight for Pakistan. They were able to defeat almost every
progressive measure which the Congress members were desirous
of adopting. The Interim Government had no unity or cohesion
and the different departments of administration frequently pulled
in different directions. All over the country unrest and lawlessness
were spreading and, in the Punjab, conditions bordering on utter
anarchy prevailed. Mr. Nehru and his colleagues felt tired and
helpless. Frustration and chaos stared them in the face. Years
of suffering and hard labour had brought them to a blind alley and
the only alternatives were ignominious retreat or a way out by
the acceptance of partition. They agreed to partition. They with¬
drew their opposition to the establishment of a separate independ¬
ent State carved out of a united India. They, however, insisted

118

Stem Reckoning

that the demand of the Sikhs for the partition of the Punjab and
of the West Bengal Hindus for the partition of Bengal must be
conceded by Mr. Jinnah. Lord Mountbatten saw the justness of
this demand and, in this matter, gave his full support to the
Congress and Sikh leaders. The Punjab and Bengal were to be
divided; the distr.ct of Sylhet was to be separated from Assam
and joined to East Bengal. The boundaries would be demarcated
by two Boundary Commissions specially set up for this purpose.

The Mountbatten Plan of June 3, 1947, was thus drawn up and
agreed to by the various party leaders. This was the first occasion
on which the different warring elements in the country had attained
some measure of unanimity, and it was hoped that with the
implementation of this scheme, sanity would return to the land
and constructive action take the place of disorder and despair. It is
not necessary to discuss the Mountbatten Plan and its implications
or the difficulties and dangers inherent in the mode of partition
proposed. The Boundary Commissions and their terms of refer¬
ence were subjected to bitter criticism in many quarters. It was
said that the whole thing was a complete farce and only silly people
could expect a fair and just decision from a tribunal whose Chair¬
man did not attend a single hearing, though it was he and he
alone in whose hands lesled the ultimate decision,* There was,
however, no other way in which this matter could be disposed of
as expeditiously or with greater satisfaction to all concerned, lime
was a vital consideration Conditions in the Punjab showed little
improvement, the attitude of the Muslim League was hardening
and the British Government had agreed to hand o\er power on
August 15, 1947. Eicrything had to be rushed through at break¬
neck speed, for it was hoped that, with the transference of power
and the establishment of Pakistan. t|ic feeling of frustration among
the Muslim masses would disappear and their anger would be
appeased. The Congress leaders did not envisage the complete
col'apse of the administrative machinery and the stampede that
followed the attainment of independence. Attacks by Muslims in
West Punjab were followed by counter-attacks by Sikhs and Hindus
m East Punjab. Reprisal followed retaliation till the whole province
was one seething cauldron of hate and bestial passions. The poison
infected the unlettered and ignorant masses as well as the educated

* Sir C\ril Radcliflc was ttac Ctiairman ol both the Boundary Commis&lonf. He did
not attend the htarines personally but verbatim repoits ol the proceedings were gent him
ever;^ dav by air Alter the hearings were concluded he held discussions with the members
of the CommlsMons and then commumcated his decision or Award to the Viceroy.

‘The Punjab

119

-middle classes; it spread to the officials upon whom rested the
duty of maintaining law and order, it corrupted the police and
the army who were entrusted with the safety and security of the
citizens; it antagonized friends and neighbours till they turned
upon each other with murderous frenzy. Muslims and non-Muslims
vied with each other in degrading themselves to the lowest level
of barbarity. What had been happening in West Punjab since
March began to happen in East Punjab in August and the grim
sport of murder and rapine was played on both sides with equal
ferocity. But while the Government of India/ and the East Punjab
Government mobilized all their resources to quell the disturb¬
ances, the West Punjab Government gave encouragement to the
rowdy elements by many official and unofficial! acts. The first
of these was the release of all Muslims who had been detained
under the Punjab Public Safety Act or who had been convicted
of crimes committed during communal riots. Even persons who
had been sentenced to long terms of imprisonment on charges of
murder and other acts of violence were released. The restriction
on the carrying of swords was removed the day after Pakistan was
established. Muslims were encouraged to carry swords and Dis¬
trict Magistrates were instructed to grant arms licences freely to
Muslims. *

The following pages contain a brief account of the main inci¬
dents in the various districts of We.st Punjab during August
and the following months. Considerations of space and time make
it impossible to give full and complete dctail.s of the atrocities
committed by the Muslims or the suffering to which the
non-Muslims were subjected. An attempt has. however, been
made to give a true overall picture of these happenings.
The reader will notice many important omissions but it is hoped
that he will not find false or exaggerated stories. Every effort
has been made to verify and check the corrpetness of the narrative,
and drab understatement has been preferred to picturesque
probability. Allowance had frequently to be made for the angry
mood of the refugees, their tendency to exaggerate their suffering
and invite sympathy by magnifying the extent of their losses. It
is, however, believed that the account given in these pages is as
near the truth as is possible in any historical narrative.

* Many monttm later when Muslims had been completely evacuated the East Punjab
Oovemment also issued similar iostructioas. These instructions were intended to check the
', border disturbances which were assuming serious proportions.

120

Stern Reckoning

Lahore District

Lord Louis Mountbatten paid a visit to Lahore on July 22.
1947, and as a measure of caution or anticipation directed the
shadow Government of Hast Punjab to move their headquarters to
Simla. He, at the same time, gave assurance to the residents of
Lahore that there was no finality about this move; Simla was, in
any case, the summer capital of the Punjab and if Lahore eventually
fell to the share of India the Government could move back with¬
out great inconvenience. In the meantime, a Boundary Force
would be constituted and this would furnish adequate protection
to the life and property of all communities. The Viceroy’s declar¬
ation heartened the Muslims and they interpreted it as an indi¬
cation that Laht)re would be assigned to Pakistan. To the non-
Muslims, it came as a hideous shock, as they had entertained high
hopes of the Boundary Commission. According to the terms of
reference, the boundary between the two countries was to be drawn
on the basis of contiguous majority areas,* but other factors
would al.so be taken into consideration The non-Muslims naturally
assumed that “ other factors ’’ meant financial, economic, .strategic
and social interests. Lahore had been built with non-Muslim
capital and enterprise; 80 per cent of the property in Lahore was
owned by non-Muslims and the social life of the city centred round
the Hindus and Sikhs. The Ravi (if not the Chenab) was the
only feasible boundary from the geographical and strategic point
of view and the non-Muslims had been happy in the thought that
the claim of Pakistan based merely on cen.sus figures was effete
and untenable. The Viceroy’s order directing a mo\e to Simla
shattered these hopes and many non-Muslims fell that they would
have to migrate to India in the immediate or distant future. There
were i>thers who believed that once Pakistan, as an independent
State, were established and recoghbed, peaceful conditions would
return and members of all communities would be able to live
and pursue their avocations undisturbed and unmolested. To
them the proposal to constitute a Boundary Force came as a great
relief, for they felt that the Army, at any rate, would not take sides
and would enforce law and order with complete impartiality.
These hopes, alas, did not find realization.

* This was a somcvihat sacuc term as it did not specify what the unit of the area
was to be. whether it was to be a district, a tebM), a yail or a village. Broadly speaking,
it was intended that Muslim majorii) areas (excluding islands) should be assigned to Pakistan
and the Hindu majority aicas to India.

Shahalmi Gate lu/iore, a/tei the fire and noting m June

The Punjab

121

On August 8, some members of the Boundary Commission
came back to Lahore dftei having held discussion with Sir Cyril
Raddiffc in Simla The next day, all over Lahore, posters pur¬
porting to have been issued by some Muslim Associations were
put up They pioclaimed that it Lahore were awarded to India
the Muslims ot Lahore would not accept the Award ot the
Boundary Commission and would retain the town by force. On
the nights of August 10 and 11, meetings were held in \aiious
mosques m the city and Muslims were called upon to make a
luthless attack on non-Muslims On the lllh morning, it was
gencran> known m Lahoie that very soon it would beuinie impos¬
sible tor ^n-Muslims to live there Some Muslims issued wain-
ings to then non-Muslim friends and advised them to leave the
town at once Trouble began inside the city early on the motning
oi the 11th and on the following days spread to the whole town
and to the Cantonment area

Mohalla Khaiasian was attacked by a mob ot five hundred
aimed Muslims led b> National Guaids and a Sub-Inspcctoi ot
Police Mohalla Sarin was attacked in the altcinoon Lues were
started in vaiious parts of the cit> and b> the evening the
lesidenls of the Civil Lines saw a huge wall ot flames and smoke
standing against the sky Ihroughoul the day gioups ot Muslims
aimed with guns pistols, spears, hatchets and laihis wandered about
the streets, attacking non-Muslims and setting hie to shops and
houses Non-Muslims remained imprisoned in their houses Some
of them were diagged out by the hooligans and slaughtered The
otliLial lomniuniijiu stated that there were twenty-five tires bla/ing
in Lahoie on that da}, which eight weie ol a serious nature
I he Md}o Hospital lecened fifty-six dead bodies and one hundred
and twenty injured persons Thiity injured persons were received
at Sir Gangd Ram Hospital It is needless to sd} that only those
persons who required medical treatment weie earned to the hos¬
pital and the deaths of many olhcis who were killed at the spot
weie not even reported On the 12th, the Mayo Hospital received
eighty-seven dead bodies and two hundred iniured Bharat Nagar
and Mohan Lai Road were subiected to a bittei attack during
the course of which many non-Muslims perished Several houses
in Bharat Nagar were looted and set fire to Kalibari Mandir was
looted and defiled Non-Muslims were being killed all over the
aty, in the presence of police constables, and their property was
being looted At the railway station one hundred and twenty non-
*9

122

Stern Reckoning

Muslims were waiting to catch a train for Amritsar. On the plat¬
form were twenty-five Sindi Muslim constables guarding treasury
chests. Some Muslims threw stones at the police constables and,
according to a prearranged plan, the constables at once began to
fire at the Hindus waiting for their train. Fifteen persons were
killed and twelve wounded.

The Lahore Railway Station became a veritable death-trap
between August 12 and August 18. I'he riots in the city compelled
the non-Muslims to leave, and their only avenue of escape was
the railway station, because journey by road was far more perilous.
On the evening of August 11, the railway station was packed with
passengers. The coolies dictated their own terms for carrying
luggage and were able to get fantastic sums of money. There
was a general slate of tension and anxiety and when news
came that the Sind Express, on its way to Lahore, had been
attacked by Muslims, panic spread among the passengers. The
Sind Express arrived soon afterwards, and the non-Muslim
volunteers rushed forward to bring out the dead bodies from the
various compartments. They found that men, women and
children had been brutally murdeied and were lying m pools
of blood. The dead bodies were carried across seseral plat¬
forms and a hush fell upon the intending non-Muslim pas¬
sengers who stood rooted to the ground and watched their luggage
with vague and grim forebodings while all that was visible of the
city of Lahore was a huge lower of smoke Fortunately a Muslim
refugee train arrived from Amritsar at this tune and the Muslim
volunteers became engaged in bringing out the Muslim passengers
and their luggage. Ihe passengers who left by (he Frontier Mail
were attacked near Wahga. The Bhatinda Express, however,
reached its destination safely. Ihc next day, it became impossib’e
for non-Muslims even to reach the railway station. They were
caught and massacred on the way. ^hc Baluch Regiment took a
very prominent part in this slaughter. On August 14 and 15, the
railway station became a scene of wholesale carnage. According
to one witness there was a continuous rain of bullets at the railway
station. The military shot and plundered non-Muslims freely. The
passengers from a refugee train from Sacha Sauda came out to get
drinking water, and thirteen of them were shot dead. A Hindu
passenger was pushed into the compartment of a moving train and
found himself surrounded by Baluchis. He was robbed of every-

The destruction wrought tn Shahalvii Gate, Lahore

The Punjab

12 ^

thing he had, his clothes were taken off till he was stark naked
and then the Baluchis began to kick him and strangle him, they
continued this game of slow torture till the man fell senseless His
unconscious body was then thrown out as dead, but he succeeded
in struggling back to lite and lived to tell his horrible tale

The Liaison Officer of the Fast Puniab Governmem wiole
In Lahore you will not find a single Hindu oi Sikh anywhere
in the city oi the Civil Station walking about In some places,
however, people in hundreds aie living logclhei in a small room
to a\oid slaughter” A numbei of important ofllicials v^ere picked
out and murdered in a shameless manner 1 he Distiict Fnginecr,
Mr S P R Sawhney had gone to Dalhousic on leave during
August He iciuined to Lahore on September 11 and was advised
by his Muslim friends and colleagues to leave immcdiatelv He
went to his office on Septembei 12 to hand over chaige and in
his office he was attaAed by some Muslims who dragged him out.
tied him to a post and then sawed his body into several pieces
in a diabolical manner that baffles compiehension

Ml Vii Bhan the Deputy Direcloi ol Indiistiies. had opted
for India and made ariangemcnts to leave lahoic on August 9
He had, howcvei, to postpone his clcpailure as he was entrusted
with ceilam work connected with the partition of his Depaitmenl
When the disturbances began on August 11 a police force ot about
ten constables was posted at his house loi his protection On
August 14, the situation in Lahoic took a turn for the woisc
Mi Vir Bhan decided to send his familv away to Simla He
accordingly asked his wile to pack her things and liimstlf went to
his otlicc to aiiange foi a truck which had been placed at his
disposal Before leaving the house he asked his orderiv to get
some coolies for loading the truck It appeals that the Muslim
orderly brought tour coolies and concealed them somewhere m
the house Mr Vir Bhan returned with the niihiaiy truck and told
his orderly to have the luggage placed on it He was standing m
the drawing lOom reading a letter, when he was suddenly attacked
by four men who began to stab him with daggers On heating his
cries, his wife ran up and she. too, was stabbed Mr Vii Bhan
staggered out ot the looni and collapsed in the verandah His
daughtei was dressing in her room and when she came out she
saw her parents lying in pools of blood while the Muslim orderly
and the four murderers weie carrying away luggage from the
house The police guard pointed their guns at her and accused

124

Stern Reckoning

^er of murdering her father Thebe policemen searched the per¬
sons of Mr and Mrs Vir Bhan and removed a wrist watch and
currency notes while the pool girl stood watching the grim drama,
completely helpless It was with considerable difficulty that
Mrs. Vir Bhan was allowed to be taken to the hospital to receive
medical treatment

Mr Madan Gopal Singh, the Registrar of the Punjab Uni¬
versity, was asked to go to Lahore towards the end of August and
an assurance was given to him that he would be protected and
provided with an aimed cscoit and tiucks tor evacuating the non-
Muslim staff of the Universit> He accoidmgly went to Lahore by
air on August 24 No escoit was, however, provided and, when
Mr Singh saw the Oovcinor of West Punjab, he was told that
trucks would be made available on September 2 On the morning
of September 1, a peon of the University went to Mr Singh’s house
and told him that the new Registrar, Mi Bashii, wished to sec him
in his ofTice Mr Singh went to the oflice at 9 am but did not
find Mr Bashii there He was told that Mr Bashii had gone up
to see the Vice-Chanctllor whose otliec was on the hist floor of
the building Mr Singh came out of the loom to go upstairs and
in the verandah he was attacked by thiee men who inflicted nine
wounds on his person and then ran away Some members ot the
University staff were working in the lOoms ncai the veiandah but
no one came out to answei Mi Singh’s cries Mi Singh was still
ali\e and he was placed m a car and diiven to the hospital Ihe
car, however, was duven at an extrenicl> slow pace and the dis¬
tance of two miles IS said to have been covered in forty-five
minutes When the car armed at the hospital Mi Singh’s life
was extinct

1 he massacre of the non-Muslims who had taken shelter in
Guidwaia Hargobmd on Temple Jload was another incident of
extreme barbaiity About three hundred and fifty non-Musiims
were confined in this Gurdwaia which was being guarded by a
unit of Hindu military On August 14, the Hindu guard was
leplaced by a Muslim guard The same evening a numbei of fire
balls wcic thrown inside the Guidwara and when the non-Muslims,
diiven by these flames, came out they were shot dead by the
Muslim guard or stabbed by members of the Muslim National
Guards Esery one ot the thiec hundred and fifty was killed in
this manner The attack had been carefully planned and a member
of the National Guards had spoken of it to a Hindu friend a

The destruction of non-Muslim houses and shops in Mozang, Lahore

Tfie Punjab

125

day before This Hindu friend had been temporanly converted to
Islam and later related the story of the attack Most of the
dead bodies were carried away m military trucks and only a lew
were left lying m front of the Gurdwara

Model Town was attacked on August 14, and the National
Guards shot seveial non-MusIims who had taken shelter m a
camp The fortunate arrival ot Dogra soldiers prevented what
might have been a wholesale slaughter ot the camp dwellers Oi>
August 28, a paint and varnish factory was attacked and the
National Guards carried away the machinery, law material, tur-
nituie and othei goods from the premises m bullock-carls It
took them a week to do this and the bullock-carts had to make
tour hundred trips for the purpose but no policeman or militaiy
man interfered Single lorries cariving non-Muslims through the
town were frequently attacked On one occasion the police fired
shots at the lyres ot a loiij to stop it The driver and the
passengers weie ordered to gel down and stand in a low I he
police constables then began to shoot them one by one

Tn the Cantonments looting and arson began on August 16
The Fire Biigadc was summoned but the Muslims did not allow it
to function The disturbance spread to all parts ot the Canton¬
ments and. between August 21 and Septembci 1. the whole of
the Cantonment area was plundcied and the non-Muslim houses
occupied by Muslims

fhousands of non Muslims left the city and found shcltci
in a camp set up in the DAV College Of the thiec ’akhs
non-Muslims living in I ai ore before the trouble began only ten
thousand were left dn August 1*5 and by the end ot August there
were not more than a few Hindus and Sikhs in houses and these
loo, weie wailing foi an oppoilunjly to go away

^'ondilions in the ruial areas were equally bad It was,
however easy lot the villagers to escape from a botdei district
and lun awav to India There were numerous mob attacks result¬
ing m considciablc loss of life and property Pattoki was attacked
on August 20 and nearly two hundred and fifty non-Muslims were
killed The non-Muslim shops were looted and set fire to The
Baluch military participated in this attack Many non-Muslim
houses in Kasui were burnt down and destroyed Rioting bioke
out in this town on August 18 and about ninety non-MusIiras were

126

Stem Reckoning

killed and many more injured Non-Mushms waiting at the Kasur
Railway Station were attacked and several of them were killed*

Shetkhupura Dntnct

The British Government had declared that the interests of the
Sikh community would receive special consideration in determi¬
ning the mode of partition and demarcating the boundary line
between India and Pakistan The distiict of Sheikhupura was a
Muslim maiority aieai but the Sikhs formed a substantial minority
comprising 18 85 per cent of the total population They were
almost mainly responsible foi the agricultural development of the
district and had impoitant religious and cultural associations in
Nankana Sahib, the birth-place of Guru Nanak, the founder of the
Sikh religion, and in Sacha Sauda, an impoitant shrine gloiify-
ing ‘the piety of his childhood days J The fears of the non-
Muslims in the distiict were thcreiore somewhat allayed b> the hope
that the Boundaiv Commission won d allot the distiiu to India
and they would he permitted to keep then homes and lands i oi
this reason no large-scale exodus liom Shcikhupuia took place
before August 17, on which dale the Radeliftc Award was announced
and a stampede for safety began The minorities were taken at
a disadvantage ai rangements lor evacuation could not be made
immediately, evciy possible obstacle was placed in their way by
the C'lvil Administration and the military, and for several days no
escape was jxissible, and while men, women and childicn,
uprooted fiom then homes ran hither and thither like hunted
animals and crowded into tefugee camps, a most uithless cam¬
paign of murdei lape, arson and loot was launched upon them
Wherever they went honor and despair faced them, bloodthirsty
ganes of maraudeis lonfronted them on the countiy roads, in
towns, m refugee camps, even m tiains Sheikhupuia became
a by-word during the months that #followed In West Punjab
Muslim hooligans used it to intimidate the minorities into handing
over their propeity, accepting Islam or quitting their homes “ If
you do not do as you are told." they said, " we shall enact another
Sheikhupura here” The honor and wrath which it continued to

* Su. alM) tibic. in SppLiidix U lor incidcntx in rural irtas
t Miisbms numbered 6^ (>2 per cent of the total p puldtion
Tradition has it that Nmtk s ftther once gave him some money and sent him to buy
provulons for scuini, up i shop The young Nanik used the money to teed some sadbua

and returned home empty htndcd He told his father that he had invested the money
•n the eommcrcc ut Truth

The Punjab

evoke in the hearts of the non-Muslims for months afterwards
cannot be gauged by a future student of History. Nothing of
this nature or on this scale had ever taken place in India, and
understanding is staggered at the depth and extent of the
murderous fury displayed alike by the unruly Muslim hooligans
and the disciplined Police and Army personnel stationed at
Sheikhupura. To give a picture of the events which took place at
Sheikhupura we cannot do better than quote from the eye-witness
accounts of a few persons who were fortunate enough to survive
the massacre which continued for three whole, days. These
statements ‘have been chosen on grounds o'f sincerity and for
their lack of exaggeration. The first of these was given by the
Civil Surgeon of Sheikhupura.

“Mr, C. H. Disney, the Deputy Commissioner, was mostly
away from Sheikhupura during the month of August 1947. He
was camping at Nankana Sahib. The Additional District Magis¬
trate, Pir Karam Shah, P.C.S., used to be in charge of the adminis¬
tration at District Headquarters during the absence of Mr. Disney,
Pir Karam Shah is a case of high blood pressure and I had to
visit him daily, morning and evening, since the trend of events
always worried him and brought about symptoms of high blood
pressure. These visits atforded me many opportunities to come
in contact with people who were to control and order the butcher¬
ing of Hindus and Sikhs.

“ During one of these visits, on August 11 or so, a Canal
telegram was received by the Additional District Magistrate that
Sikhs had actually attacked Joyanwala Canal Colony and the
Muslims living there. Mr. Mohammad Anwar, a local lawyer and
the President of the Muslim League, was there. A hasty con¬
sultation was held between the Additional District Magistrate and
Mr. Mohammad Anwar. The military and police were despatched
to Joyanwala and, later on. returned to the Additional District
Magistrate’s house to report that no such attack had taken place.
The Sub-Divisional Officer (Canals), thinking that the Canal
Colony was predominantly Muslim, had sent that telegram in
panic. Mr. Mohammad Anwar told the Additional District
Magistrate that four Sikhs, fully armed, had been spied by the
Muslim League volunteers going to Kot Pindi Das, a village with
purely Hindu and Sikh population. Mr. Mohammad Anwar was
of the opinion that unless strong action were taken Muslim lives
in the whole district were in danger. At this Mr. Ahmad Shaffi,

128

Stern Reckoning

Section 30 Magistrate who was also present, suddenly flared up
and said that in the very near future strong action with a capital
S would be taken in the district I was naturally alarmed at this
remark As about ten Hindu and Sikh gazetted officers were
stranded at Sheikhupura without any means of going to India a
loint representation was made to the Deputy Commissioner to
affoid us facilities to leave Sheikhupura This representation
was treated with the utmost discourtesy In fact we were told
that there were many Muslim gazetted officers who were stranded
in India and were bemg murdered dailv We made desperate
eftoits to lca\e Pakistan but in \ain as the rings put round us
were very tight All vehicular traffic motor cars tongas, cvclcs,
going out of Sheikhupuia were slopped except with the written
permission of the Additional District Magistrate on August 20
or so People were flocking into Sheikhupura town fiom Gujran-
wa’a District and its rural areas as Sheikhupura was consideied
the safest place in Pakistan This caused great congestion m
the town

‘ Another factor to be noted is that Muslim refugees began
to arrive in Sheikhupuia from August 21 onwards Fhev related
hysterical talcs about their sufferings The Muslm League
volunteers and Mi Ahmad Shafli PCS used to promise eaily
icvenge even in my presence

Ml Mohammad Anwai the Muslim League President was
alwa>s consulted by the Additional District Magistiate or the
Magistrates whenevci anv conference about the distuibcd condi¬
tions in the district took place In tact he used to dictate the
action to be taken agamst non Muslims

* Mr C" H Disncv the Deputy Commissionei caniv back
fiom Nankana Sahib on August 24 an^;^ amidst all sorts of rumours
about the disturbed conditions in the Sheikhupura District a
cm few was clamped on the town horn 6 pm to 6 am This
was the fust time that a cm few had been promulgated in the
town even though there had been Muslim League and Sikh agi¬
tation betoic Ihe people received the news as a very bad omen
The Hindus and Sikhs had been stabbed in trains running between
Lahore and I vallpm fiom August 21 onwaids The stabbers
weie paiticiilaily active at Sheikhupura Railway Station Un¬
known bodies of about twelve Hindus and Sikhs had been sent in
for post morum cxammatu'ui with stab or gunshot wounds

The Puniab 129

Naturally people took this curfew order to mean their extinction
and it proved to be so.

, “ At about 2 a.m. on August 25, the town was ablaze. Some
Hindu and Sikh shops in the main bazaar had been set on fire.
The military and police reached the spot and anybody coming
out of their houses to extinguish the fire was shot at. The Deputy
Commissioner reached the spot later on. He decided to lift the
curfew then and there, and so it was announced by him and by
the police. The people rushed to extinguish the fire. The Baluch
soldiers of the Punjab Boundary Force stationed there for pro¬
tective purposes began to shoot these people. One died on the
spot and another, Hakim Lachhman Singh, was hit by a bullet at
about 2-30 a.m. in the main street near the place where the lire
was raging. He was not allowed to be moved to the hospital till
7 a.m. next morning. He died of the gunshot wound in his chest
a few hours later, as nothing could be done to save his life after
so much time. About four Sikhs and two Hindus were also
stabbed in running trains One of the wSikhs was a po'icc constable.
A medico-legal certificate about his injuries was issued to him
by me. His statement was not recorded by the police even on
repeated requests in my presence as some people of the Sheikhu-
pura town were involved in that stabbing. Another feature,
most alarming to the people, was the disarming of the Sikh and
Hindu police at Sheikhupura from Sub-Inspector down to
constables All oi them were asked to deposit their kit and their
arms in the Civil Lines Police Station and to quit the Police Lines.
God only knows their late. August 25 dawned with a'l bad
omens. The town began to be evacuated The people began to
go to the villages. Thev were ordered to stay in the town bv
the local aulhoiities and anybody leaving the town was liable to
be shot. 1 he people then began to flock to the C ivil l.incs I ach
bungalow in the Civil Lines became a refugee centre for the people
from the city.

“ At about lO a.ni. people began to talk of the curfew being
again imposed from 2-30 p.m. on August 25 to 6 a.m. on August 26.
This curfew order was never promulgated. A Baluch Officer came
and asked the Superintendent of the Deputy- Cominissionci’s oflicc
who was my neighbour to get the curfew order promulgated in the
town. There were no peons, no conveyances and no men available
to do this. The Military ofliccr was informed accordingly. He left
the place, saying that he had orders to contact the Superintendent

130

Stern Reckoning

only. If the Superintendent had no arrangements he should
see the Deputy Commissioner himself. The Deputy Commissioner
was not on the ’phone; the stabbers were out in the town and no
one was safe on the roads. The publicity van was not used for this
purpose even on repeated requests. And so the curfew order was
never promulgated. It will not be out of place to mention here that
all the Punjab Boundary Force stationed at Sheikhupura consisted
of Baluch Muslims with the exception of six Hindus who were
kept in the office for paper work.

“The real trouble started at about 2-30 p.m. The Armed
Police was stationed on all the level crossings and all the outlets
of the town. One of the poli-'cmen told me that the Sikhs were
attacking the town and the Baluch soldiers had gone in action
against them from Ramgarh side. Smoke was issuing from Ram-
garh, a suburb of Sheikhupura, and from the bazaar. Later on
it was found that the Sikh and Hindu shops were on fire The
reports of firing increased in intensit> and reached a real firing
line type. Jeeps carrying Baluch soldiers were seen hurrying
to the town. There was no mistaking from the cries of the town
people as to who were the victims. The fire came nearer and
nearer the hospital. At about 6-^0 pm a mob of Muslims,
headed by Dr. Salimi and his son and some policemen in uniform,
crying "Ya All, Ya Ali* attacked the house of Mr. Des Raj,
Advocate, about a hundred yards from my bungalow. They shot
Des Raj’s son and one daughter. They kidnapped two of his
daughters and the wife of Mr. Barlow, a Sub-Judge, who was
staying there as a guest. 1 hen the house was set on fire and
completely burnt down. Three hclmctcd policemen in uniform
and one man from the mob entered the hospital compound and
came towards my quarters. These peop'c bolted all the doors
of my house from outside and went away. We were naturally
alarmed at this ^

“ At night the fury, both of the burning fires and of shooting,
increased to an alarming degree The Hindus and Sikhs, in the
name of their gods, were crying for mercy, but apparently in
vain, as an incident narrated below showed.

“At about midnight Lt. Shephard of the Baluch Regiment
brought to the hospital a Sikh child who, in the words of the
Lieutenant, had been ‘ halal karotd.’ He told me that the whole
family of seven men and women had been murdered and that
> people were being horribly massacred in the town. He also said

The Punjab 131

that the two English Lieutenants were on duty in the camp and not
in the town

“Throughout the night the burning of the town and the
killing of the people, as evidenced by their cues of mercy, con¬
tinued Twice the mob entered the hospital crying ‘ Ya AL, ya
Ah,* and passed through it and then attacked the houses on the
other side of the hospital

“ In the midst of burning lires and the shooting >t guns
August 26 dawned Duiing the night the old citv, Ramgarn, the
mam ba/aar and adjoining portions were completely bun t out
On the mornmg of the 26th it was proclaimed by the police that
the rice mills had been chosen as refugee camps and rcoplc in
difficult circumstances should go there for safety as mililaiy and
pohee would protect them there

“ The firing on the 26th was most convcnlrated in Guiu Nanak
Piira a locality adjacent to the hospital Here we saw the most
ghastly sights and the most organized butchering of Hindus and
Sikhs The technique was as follows Fust the Baluch soldiers
and police came and shot at everybody on the road or on the
houses Following them were peisons cariying tins ol kcioscne
oil, etc These people soaked rags in petrol or kerosene oil and
set hre to the houses When the houses were ablaze the u mates
either came out on the road where the military got them, or thev
ciossed over to the adjacent houses and thus caused congestion
111 particular localities This especially occurred in the Govern¬
ment quarters of the Clerical Fslablishmenl The slabbers were
then let loose on these houses These hends broke open the doois
with axes and hammeis and butchered the inmates, men and
women, and abducted the gii!s within their sight Whosoevci tried
to run away fell a victim to the shots of the Baluchis and the
policemen Having thus cleared awa> all the living population
the looters began to ransack the houses under the very nose of
the policemen At about 10 o’clock, trench-mortar fiie was heard
in Guru Nanak Pura locality In all we heard about ten mortar
shots Since the firing came nearer and nearer to the hospital
and the people had been killed under our very noses, we hid
ourselves in the dark room attached to the X-ray Department of
the hospital It proved to be the safest place While hiding there
in the dark room we heard woeful cries of Hindu and Sikh
children as they were done to death by the Muslim mob The
erv of one child was particularly heart-rending At about 2 pm

132

Stern Reckoning

we heard the cry, ‘ Do not cut my throat. Do not cut my throat.
You have already killed my parents. Take me with you.’ He
was killed in the hospital verandah about twenty paces from us.

“ A hospital cook, Gopal by name, being the toughest and
the most trustworthy servant, volunteered to stay out of the dark
room and tell us at guarded moments what was happening outside.
In case he had to communicate with us, the pass word was
‘ Sheikh Sahib,’ shouted thrice with intervals. Until he did this
no one of us in the dark room was to reply. At about 3 p.m.
Gopal gave us a warning that the military men were in the hos¬
pital and that some children had been killed in the hos¬
pital compimnd He returned after a while to report that my house
had been surrounded by about fifty soldiers. Here Gopal got a
brain wave. He told the military men that 1 and the dispenser
with a tew servants had left the hospital to go to some village and
that the mob had found us and murdered us. Gopal said that our
dead bodies were lying in the fields He was intimidated but stuck
to his story A short while afterwards the firing in the hospital
increased in fury and hand-gienades were heard bursting. Gopal
to'd us afterwards that the military had attacked my house and.
finding it empty, they had their revenge on the hospital patients,
I here weic eight patients in the hospital, all Hindus and Sikhs,
Muslims having left cn hUx a day previously. None of these
patients was alive on August 27 Gopal told me afterwards that
Oa/i Ahmad Shafii, P (’.S., and K. S. Bakar Hussain, Super¬
intendent o^’ Police, w'ere present for two hours m the hospital
compound dire, ling the hic, especially at my house 1 he firing
in the hospital died down at about (> p.m. The groans of the
iniurcd, nearing their end. w'crc heard from all round the hospital.
We lemaineJ in the dark room till the 27lh morning.

“All il'c mjuied who were bro\jght to the hospital by the
military told us that they had been shot by the Baluch soldiers
or stabbed in thcii presence by Muslim mobs on the 25th oi 26th,
I he in lined also told me that the Baluch soldiers had collected
the Hindus and Sikhs in the rice mills on the false pretext of
protecting them. Having got these men in these places the military
first asked them to hand over their valuables and then mercilessly
killed them.

” The Hindu and Sikh Military borcc arrived on the 27th
^jCVcning and we heaved a sigh of relief.

‘*The number of the injured swelled to four hundred indoor
patients and about two hundred walking patients. Besides these
there were women and young girls in all forms of nakedness. Even
the ladies of most respectable families had the misfortune of having
undergone this most terrible experience. The wife of an Advocate
had practically nothing on when she came to the hospital. The
casualties among the males and females were about equal. About

a hundred wounded children were amongst the casualties.

• _

“ The Officer Commanding the Baluch Para Troops, 1st
Battalion, came to the hospital at about noon. I had a talk with
him. His words were ‘ All this has happened because the senior
officers had gone on leave.’ The Commanding Officer placed the
services of his Unit Medical Officer, Captain Zia-ul-Hussan,
I.A.M.C.. at my disposal. This officer, though always at the hos¬
pital, never dressed a single case nor administered any medicine
to any Hindu or Sikh wounded. He was always an obstacle in
the way of getting amenities and treatment for the patients. . . .

“ Tn the end I feel honour-bound to record that the lives of my
children and those of about six hundred educated Hindus and
Sikhs, male and female, of the Civil Lines, were saved by the
efforts of some God-fearing Muslims who gave them shelter in
their houses, even at the risk of their lives.”

What happened at the rice mills is related by an eye-witness
in the following terms;

On August 26, at about 7 a.m.. 1 reached the mill of Sardar
Atma Singh. There were about seven or eight thousand non-
Muslim refugees from all parts of the town collected there. At
about 8 a.m. the Muslim Baluch military surrounded the mill
and then a shot was fired which resulted in (he death of a woman
inside the mill. After that, Swami Anand Singh, President of the
Congress Committee, went to the military men with a green flag
in his hand and asked them what they wanted. He said that the
entire non-Muslim property fn the town had been burnt and
looted. The military men demanded twenty-six hundred rupees
which were paid. After this another shot was fired and a man
was killed, and, on being again requested by Swami Anand Singh,
they demanded another twelve hundred rupees which were also
paid. But after this they told us that they wanted to search all
the refugees and that we should come out and whosoever remain¬
ed in would be shot dead. All the seven thousand or eight

134

Stem Reckoning

thousand refugees went out and then they were told that they
should give up all cash and valuables which they had Swann
Anand Smgh advised the unfortunate refugees to comply with this
demand In a short while a pile of seven or eight maunds of gold
was collected at the spot and about thirty or forty lakhs of rupees
All this wealth was taken away by the military men Then they
began to pick and choose young girls from the refugees, but when
this was being done Swami Anand Singh obiected, upon which he
was shot dead 1 hereafter one ot the Muslim Baluch military
men took ho’d of a young girl and began to molest her in the
presence of all the non-Muslim refugees This became intolerable
and a young Hindu attacked the Baluch soldier Fhereupoi’ all
the Baluch soldiers began to fare upon the refugees and while the
front rows of the refugees stood up the non Muslims began to kill
their young girls to save their honour In the meantime ihe firing
upon the refugees continued and people began to tall and die on
the spot 1 lay down on the ground behind a tree After some
time seeing that it would be impossible to survive it I remained
there, in a hysterical state ot mind J stood up and, under the
shower of bullets 1 scaled the adjoining wall and lumped down
on the other side Duiing this interval rhere was i lain of bullets
ovei my head and undei my feel and 1 cannot imagine how I
lemaincd alive On the other side a Baluch soldier who was
standing on guard aimed his gun at me when I w is very close to
him but I jumped and lushed at him and was ab’e to snatch away
his gun I stiuck him with the butt-end and he became un¬
conscious -Ml the time there were showers of bullets a ound me
but I lan with the greatest speed that I could gatbci and went
awav info the fields and ultimately found shelter in an adjoining
mill under the jute bags l>ing theie 1 heaid leports of guns being
filed inside the mill and, after two or fhree hours, fcaiing that J
might be discovered I went up to the mill inside a loom, where
two young unfortunate Hindu giils had also taken retuge From
that p'ace of vantage I could sec what was happening to the non-
Muslim icfugccs in the null which I had left Those who could
escape alive from the bullets ol the Baluch soldiers weie being
attacked by an aimed Muslim mob outside and were being killed
on the spot 111 a most savage fashion In one instance they
snatched a young child from the arms of his mothei, cut it into
two and stabbed the mother with a spear

The Punjab

135

** After some time, seeing that it was impossible to escape
alive from there. I could think ot no means of escape, but seeing
a Mohammedan constable who was an o'd friend of mine 1 came
down with the two refugee Hindu girls pretending that they were
my sisters The Mohammedan eonstable was near by when we
were about to be attacked by other raiders 1 beckoned to him
and begged him to save mine and my sisters’ lives Fortunately
he agreed and took us away stealthily to a village Malian Kalan ”

The experience of a nth Reis is also worth recording

“ The Muslim military came looting the houses and
shops of Hindus and Sikhs on our side We saw the house ot
Sardar Bahadur Buta Singh which was opposite mine leing looted
The goods were removed m a truck by twenty men 1 his made
us certain that we would be the next victims My wife immedi¬
ately ran into the inner room ot the house and took some poison,
while we were watching through the window and awaiting the
arrival ot the looters Mv old mother did the same A nulitary
tank entered fiom one gate and passing in tiont of my house left
by the other gate It had come either to warn us or to s aie us
away

“ We waited for the night to Lome At 8 on night ot the
26th, we left the house, leaving the bodies ol my wite and mother
uncremated and covered with a sheet Servants carried my five
children and we passed through the Mission Ahata and across the
railway line safely Alter we had run about a hunched vaids we
met sixty men, armed with >pcars and swords [o our great good
fortune they took pity on me and my childicn and allowed us to
pass We decided to go towaids Gujranwala and cross the Ravi
nver and reach India Wc ci^ntinucd walking the whole night and
the next day at about 3-30 we rcdwhed fallianwala Lnloitun-
atcly we were not allowed to enter the village as the villageis were
afraid that we might cause a distuibanco Wc selected a spot
where there was a small forest To my surprise I came to know
m the evening that there were about fifteen thousanil Hindus and
Sikhs assembled in the neighbourhood Some of them weie from
Shcikhupura while the majority of them were fiom different vil¬
lages which had been attacked by the military ” This witness
and his children finally reached the refugee camp at Chuharkana

All the three camps set up m Sheikhupura on the moining of
August 26, weie attacked in this manner Some non-MusIims
collected in the Namdhaii Dharamshala Among them w.is a

136

Stern Reckoning

teacher of the Government High School, Sheikhupura. whose story
is as follows:

“ At about 3-30 p.m. from our roofs we saw that the rioters
had come into the courtyard round which our houses were situated..
Tile military was patrolling around this area and once they even
came into the courtyard. They pointed guns at us but did not
tire, nor did they interfere with the rioters. Soon after this, the
rioters who were Muslims set tire to some of the houses. The
military were purely Baluch. The rioters looted the houses and
drove away the cattle which were tied in the courtyard. The looted
houses were then set fire to. .Some women were also taken away
by the rioters. When the residents of the houses went up to
the roofs the military shot them. 1 saw this with my own eyes.
The houses on three sides of the courtyard were in this manner
looted and burnt by about 4 a.m. the following night. A large
crovsd of non-Muslims had collected in my house where they had
sought refuge. A large number of rioters came to our house but
we raised cries of 'Sat Siri Akal' and they went away. Almost
immediately afterwards they returned and began to fire at us. Our
impression was that it was the Baluch military who were firing.
'T wo of our men were killed and two were injured. Wherever we
could see there were fires raging all round us. We thought we
would go out in the open and leave the rioters to loot our houses
but the general opinion was against this step and so we stayed on
inside the hou.ses till the morning. The fire on one side died down
and then we came out. Wc met the military who told us that it
w'a.s safe for us to go away.

“ We left and soon afterwards we heard reports of firing. I
took shelter in the Namdhari Dharamsala where there were about
a thousand non-Muslims collected. At 9 a.m. about sixty rioters,
accompanied by about twenty soldfbrs, arrived and began to fire
at us. The rioters were carrying iron tube-like contraptions about
18 inches long and 3 inches in diameter. 1 was told that this
implement was used for throwing bombs or grenades. The
rioters w'ere carrying swords but not guns. There were so many
of us in the small room of the Gurdwara that we, could scarcely
breathe. Many men cut off the heads of their wives and daughters
and threw them down the well. We could not get water from
this well as the bucket would not go down. The well became full
' of blood. After a little while we were told to come out and were

T}ie Punjab

137

made to sit in the courtyard of the Dharamsala. It was the military
who gave this order. They asked us to give whatever valuables
we had and every one of us handed out whatever he had. and
then we were sent one by one to the cremation ground which was
near the Dharamsala. There we saw hundreds of dead bodies
lying. We were made to sit in rows and in small groups at differ*
ent points of the cremation ground. Then the rioters came there
with swords and other weapons ready to kill us. We asked these
people to convert us to Islam but they refused. There were no
soldiers there. They had gone away after taking part of our valu¬
ables in the Gurdwara courtyard. Many Sikhs bared their heads
and asked the rioters to cut off their hair and convert them to
Islam but they said that they were thirsty for the blood of the
non-Muslims. At thiS' time an aeroplane passed over our heads
and we made signals of distress by waving turbans, clothes or
women’s veils. The rioters did not make a wholesale attack on
us. They took a few of us at a time behind a house near the
cremation ground to kill. This was about 2 p.m. 1 cannot say
hqw many of us were killed. We heard cries and shrieks from
behind the house. After a time the rioters went away and we
returned to the Dharamsala. There also we found hundreds of
dead bodies lying. I cannot say if these were the bodies of people
who were originally in the Dharamsala or if they had been brought
there afterwards to kill. There were no rioters or military in sight.

“ We had heard rumours that the rioters wanted to loot and
.set lire to Chuharkana. Thinking that this was a good opportunity
to escape, about forty of us left to run away to a neighbouring
village. A second party of about a hundred persons left a little
later when it was getting dark. I was in this party. We did not
go by the main roads but through the rice fields. We reached a
Sikh village, Ranjit Kot, three and a half miles away, at about
10 p.m. that night. We met a party of about forty Muslims just
outside the village. They were armed with daggers and swords
and they told us that all the Sikhs and Hindus had already left.
They saw that many of us were wounded. These Muslims did not
attack us. They told us that they could not give us any food as
it was too late and advised us to go away if we valued our lives.
As I have already said, we were about a hundred in number
but we had no arms of any kind. There were women and children
also among us. We approached another village but from there
we heard sounds of firing. We spent the night in a wet ploughed
10

138

Stern Reckoning

field. In the morning we went to a village near Mirza. Around
this village I noticed that a ditch had been dug, apparently for
purposes of protection. This ditch was full of water. I noticed
similar ditches around several other villages which 1 visited during
the course of the next few days. I was going round the villages
in order to make enquiries about my wife and daughter. I did not
come across any police or military during this time. There was a
genera! movement, on a large scale, of non-Muslims. People were
moving in and out of villages. 1 did not come across any rioting
during these few days. I saw a crowd of about forty Muslims
outside the village near Mirza, but the number of non-Muslims in
this \illage was large. The Sikhs were saying that the Muslims
were telling them to go away if they did not want to be killed.
There was a party of about sixty persons^ Hindus and Sikhs, Jed
by a dacoit, Bahadur Singh, who offered to protect us. Some of
these persons had firearms. There were about a thousand of us
and Bahadur Singh told us to sit together and said that he would
protect us as long as he lived.

“ We used to \'isit different villages and the Sikh residents gave
us food and served us. Then we heard that refugee camps were
being opened near Sheikhupura and Sacha Sauda. I went to the
camp at Sacha Sauda. On the way 1 met crowds of people walk¬
ing like ants. They had left their houses and were making for the
refugee camps. At Sacha Sauda there were about one and a quarter
lakh refugees. The only food which was available for them was
wheat and gram which was being distributed by the officer in
charge. People were bringing sugarcanes from the neighbouring
fields. 1 thought that f would die of cholera in these conditions
and decided to go to Sheikhupura. Seeing two Baluch lorries com¬
ing along the road I asked the Baluch soldiers to take me to
Sheikhupura. They took me there and I went to the Sikh
Girls' School which had been convefted into a refugee camp.
There in the hospital, some patients told me that my wife
and daughter had been taken away safely. At Sacha Sauda
ho lorries came and I was told that some days ago ten
lorries had come to take refugees away and after that no transport
had arrived although telephonic messages had been sent. Three or
four days later 1 found accommodation in a truck and went to the
D.A.V. College Camp at Lahore. Two or three days later some
trucks for Government servants came and T travelled by one of
these to Amritsar where I found my wife and daughter.

tfw Punjab

139

“The story given by my wife and daughter was this:

“ ‘ When we left our house and went on to the main road the
military collected about 150 of us and took us on one side. They
made us sit down and gave us water to drink and some fruits and
biscuits which had been looted from a shop. They told us to eat
these as our end was near. Then they made us sit in a row and
began to kill us one by one. (I cannot say if these were the rioters
or the military but the military was present.) The military carried
away some girls in lorries. They wanted to take my daughter away
also but she said that she should rather be shot. A military soldier
pointed his gun at her but it appears that these men were busy loot¬
ing and carrying away the booty and so my daughter escaped.
1'hc killing started from one end of the row and, getting an oppor¬
tunity, about twenty-five of us from the other side ran and escaped
into a narrow lane near the temple.’

“My wife and daughter were separated. My wife look shelter
in one house and my daughter in another. My daughter tried to
pul an end to her life by persuading a lawyer’s son to strangle her.
Three attempts were made to do this but ray daughter survived
though she remained unconscious for some time. There were one
or twc> other girls in this house also and they prepared a pyre with
some quilts and charpoys. They spent about two days in this house
and during lliis lime my wife joined my danghter. Then the mili¬
tary came and rescued them and took them to Amritsar. My
daughter was an Assistant Mistress in the Government High School
at Sargodha and was staying with me during the holidays at
that lime."

A Hindu lawyer who found shelter in the house of a friendly
Muslim relates that he heard Mr. Disney, Malik Mohammad Anwar
and Mr. Ghulam Hussain Chhatta * holding the following con-
\ersation:

“ Mr. Disney: ‘ In the last twenty-four hours practically the
whole town is decimated. What more do you want? ’

“ Malik Mohammad Anwar: ‘ Wc Iwve to continue this work
til! we receive further instructions from higher authorities at
Lahore.’

“ Mr. Disney : ‘ 1 am a little upset about this carnage.’

Malik Mohammad Anwar: ‘But orders are to be obeyed
and we have to carry on till we get further instructions. We
apprehend danger from Sikhs of neighbouring villages.’

Afterwards a Parliamcntarv Secretary in the West Punjab Government.

140

Stern Reckoning

""Mr. Disney: ‘But no Sikh can come in the presence of,
Muslim military and the police,’

“ Mr. Chhaita ; ‘ But orders are orders. We will phone up
Lahore just now for further instructions.’ ”

It would be superfluous to make any comment on this amazing
conversation.

The total death roll at Sheikhupura has been variously esti¬
mated between eight thousand and twenty-five thousand. A con¬
servative estimate based on the evidence of the most reliable wit¬
nesses would put the figure at about ten thousand.

The Sacha Sauda refugee camp was situated near the railway
line and was a good target for anyone firing from a railway train
passing by. Baluch soldiers, travelling in trains, fired at refugees
in the camp on three different occasions and each time heavy loss
of life was occasioned. These attacks were admitted by the West
Punjab Government and the explanation given by them was that
the refugees had taken up a threatening attitude towards the armed
Muslim military in the trains who had fired shots in self-defence.
It is difficult to imagine a more unconvincing and evasive expla¬
nation of these savage attacks on innocent and unarmed refugees
who had been driven out from their homes and were subsisting on
extremely meagre rations before means for evacuating them could
be made available.

At Sangla Hill, the local Sub-Inspector of Police demanded a
heavy bribe for protecting the non-Muslims. The money was paid
but the non-Muslims were attacked on August 28, and large num¬
bers of them were murdered. Looting and burning of Hindu shops
and houses followed. On September 7, the non-Muslims were told
that they must leave within an hour. They were then driven out
from their houses at the point of the bayonet. Anyone who tried
to take his valuables away was robbedf The non-Muslims were kept
in a camp in one of the factories for several days. Some of them
were forcibly converted. One of the factory owners was compelled
to write a letter admitting that he had leased his factory to a Mus¬
lim for five years. About three hundred men in the refugee camp
died from an epidemic of cholera which broke out owing to the
insanitary conditions prevailing there.

Some shops in Chuharkana were burnt on August 20. but
a major tragedy was averted by the arrival of some non-
Muslim military officers. In Chak No. 10 four hundred men were

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141

killed in the course of an assault by a Muslim mob accompanied
by Pakistan military. Over a hundred young girls were kidnapped.
Bhalair and Jandiala Sher Khan were attacked in a similar man¬
ner. Several foot convoys of non-Muslims were attacked in different
parts of the district. A railway train was attacked near Moman
and fifty non-Muslims were killed. Their dead bodies were thrown
in the canal. Some of them were recovered the next day by the
residents of Sangla. All twenty passengers in a truck, escorted
by Baluch soldiers, were done to death on their way to Lahore.
Their dead bodies were found lying in the canal by a foot caravan.
A large party of non-Muslims from Sheikhwan was attacked on
September 3 and, in the course of the attack, forty persons lost their
lives, a hundred more were injured and fourteen girls were
kidnapped.

Sialkot District

Sialkot has many historical, religious and romantic associa¬
tions with the past. According to popular legends the city was
founded by Raja Sala, the uncle of the Pandavas and re-founded,
in the time of Vikramaditya, by Raja Salivahan who built the fort
and the city on their present sites. Puran Bhagat. the saint and
hero of popular romances, who refused the incestuous advances of
his step-mother and was made to undergo horrible tortures, was the
son of this Salivahan. The well in which he was thrown by the
order of the wicked Rani lies a few miles from Sialkot and. until
its desecration and partial demolition by the Muslims in August
1947, used to be a place of pilgrimage. There is a Sikh shrine dedi¬
cated to Guru Nanak and near it Darbar Baoli Sahib, a covered
well, built by a Rajput disciple of Baba Nanak. Both places are
held in great veneration by the Sikh community.

During the Moghul limes, Sialkot became the headquarters of
a fiscal district and has remained so to the present day. The
Emperor Jahangir passed through the district on his way to Kash¬
mir and recorded in his diary that h& found the surroundings
delightful.* In more recent years the district acquired a certain
amount of notoriety during the Ahrar agitation of 1932-33 when
bands of Ahrars, bound for Kashmir, invaded the district. The city
of Sialkot is associated with the firm of Uberoi, the well-known
manufacturers of sports goods; and numerous other firms, big and

* TIk name of the town Pasrur is said to be a corruption of the word " pursaroor
used by Jrhangir. metnirg full of delight.

142

Stern Reckoning

small, dealing in sports goods, surgical and scientific instruments ;
and a number of rubber factories recently set up gave it consider¬
able importance in the commercial world. It was a flourishing
trade centre and an iraptirtanl depot for agricultural produce. A

large cantonment situated near the city added to its importance.

The total population of the district at the census of 1941 was
11.9 lakhs including 7.39 lakhs, or 62 per cent Muslims. It
became one of the border districts during the days of notional
division. As the result of the Radcliffe Award it was augmented
by the addition of Shakargarh Tehsil w'hich originally formed
part of the district of Gurdaspiir. lie river Ravi then bejame
its eastern boundary along its entire length. This circumstance
added to the difliculties and sufferings of the non-Muslim refugees
running eastward to escape from tl c bands of Muslim marauders
who roamed the countryside committing murder, loot and arson
during the months of A\ugust and September 1947,

Kindu-Muslim relations in the district had always been cordial
and were-seldom marred by communal riots. The agitation against
the Coalition Ministry during January and February 1947. how¬
ever, helped to awaken communal con.sciousncss and. in the begin¬
ning of March, an incident occurred in the city of Sialkoi which led
to the stabbing of a do/en non-Muslims. The situation was con-
trol'ed immediately and no further trouble was witnessed until
July il. when someone threw a bomb in one of the main bazaars.
There was a sudden though short-lived flare up and three non-
Muslims were stabbed. E.xactly a month later three Sikhs were
fatally stabl>ed. The j;ic\l day. August 12, six more non-Muslims
were attacked and killed. Panic spread through the city, Hindus
and Sikhs clo.sed their shops and locked thcm.selves up in their
houses. Muslim League National Guards and Muslim hooligans
began to move about the city in a threatening manner. On August
13, a mob of several thousand Muslims armed with all kinds of
weapons, lirearms. hatchets, swords, daggers and sticks was seen
collecting. At this time the Deputy Commissioner and the
Superintendent of Police were both Muslims. They were informed
of what was happening but they left for Narowal without making
any arrangements to safeguard the life and property of the citizens.
The first victim of mob fury was a Sikh Advocate whose house was
looted and burnt. Before the morning was well advanced, almost
all the Hindu Mohallas and bazaars were in flames. The sports
goods factories and the rubber mills were plundered and set fire to.

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143

A huge mob attacked the rice factory of Munshi Ram-Gian Chand
and began to loot it. A number of hooligans caught the proprietor
and cut off his fingers. They stood around him, jeered at him and
asked him: “ Where are your Nihang protectors we heard so much
about? Call them now.” They then threw petrol all over his
clothes and burnt him alive. His brothers, who were watching
this gruesome scene from a distance, jumped into a well with their
wives and children. The mob ran up and threw brickbats down
the well till all of them were* killed. The rest of the family and the
staff working in the mill were done to death. The Gurdwara
Baoli Sahib was surrounded and burnt. Thirty-two non-Muslims
including a Sikh police constable, lost their lives in this fire. Groups
of hooligans accompanied by National Guards and Muslim police¬
men rushed about the streets of the city in a mad frenzy, shouting
” Allah-O-Akhar," ” Ya AH, Ya AH" and burnt and looted non-
Muslim houses. Only the Muslim houses and shops displaying
pieces of green cloth or Muslim League (lags were spared. Any
Sikh or Hindu who was rash or foolish enough to venture out was
shot or stabbed. An Inspector of Police and a head constable
were seen leading one of the mobs. Gurfew' w'as imposed late on
the evening of the I4ih, but even then it could not be enforced
against the Muslims. A refugee camp was set up in the Canton¬
ments and some non-Muslims succeeded in finding their way to it.
They were searched and deprived of all they possessed. Non-
Muslim officers posted at Sialkot sought refuge in the Police Lines
and remained confined there for four days. On August 18, these
wretched officers were taken out of the Police Lines, forcibly dis-
armed and thrown out on the road to fend for themselves. They
sought shelter in the refugee camp. The non-Muslim police officials
found themselves in serious peril of their lives. A Sub-Inspector
of Police was told by his own subordinates to give up his revolver,
.A Sikh Prosecuting Sub-Inspector, while walking in the Police Lines,
was shot at by a Muslim constable but was able to save himself
by lying flat on the ground. The non-Muslim police officials took
refuge in a private bungalow where they remained for two nights
before moving to the refugee camp.

A train from Wazirabad which arrived at Sialkot on August
14, was found to contain fifty dead bodies of non-Muslim men,
women and children. Young infants had been butchered and two
of them were found clinging to their mothers with gashing wounds
and completely covered with blood. This train had been stopped

144 Stern Reckoning

at Naizam Abaci by the Muslim driver who saw a mob waiting
near the railway line. The train was attacked and the non-Muslim
passengers were brutally slaughtered. The dead bodies were re¬
moved from the compartments under the supervision of a Magis¬
trate and the train was loaded with non-Muslims of Sialkot wishing
to leave for Jammu. The train- was derailed three miles from
Sialkot near Dalowali and a mob of four or five thousand Muslims
was seen approaching. The military escort fired at the mob and
kept them at bay for a time. Fortunately a body of Sikh soldiers,
living in the military barracks near by, ran up and averted what
might have proved a most gruesome massacre.

Two or three days later another train carrying non-Muslim
passengers was derailed at the same place. The Muslim mob was
again driven away, as on the previous occasion, and the train was
taken back to Sialkot. Owing to the curfew orders, the passengers
could not leave the station and go home. They had to stay on
the platform, surrounded by an angry Muslim mob for several
hours, while a leading Advocate was making efforts to obtain the
permission of the District Magistrate to their going home. They
were finally taken to a private camp at Puran Nagar.

From August 16 to August 20 a marked improvement in the
situation was observed. A Minister of the West Punjab Govern¬
ment then paid a visit to Sialkot and held a secret conference with
the Muslim League leaders behind closed doors, while the District
Magistrate and the Superintendent of Police waited outside. After
the Minister left Sialkot, disturbances re-commenced with even
greater fury. The general impression was that the District
Magistrate was sincerely anxious to put an end to this carnage
but the police openly flouted his authority and he felt completely
helpless. He called the Secretary and the President of the local
Muslim League to a meeting at the City Police Station and told
them that their leadership had failed because they had been unable
to influence their followers and stop the rioting in the city. The
office-bearers resented this remark and left the meeting in anger.
Three days later the District Magistrate was transferred to Lahore.

A refugee train was scheduled to leave Sialkot for Jammu at
9 a.m. on August 20. The train was packed with non-Muslim
passengers and provided with a non-Muslim escort. The engine
driver refused to start unless the personnel of the escort were
changed and until Muslim police and military were sent with the
train. A report was made to the District Magistrate who ordered

The Punjab

145

engine ,?iriver to be arrested. The man was adamant and he
was supported by the Muslim National Guards who openly declared
that they would murder him if he left with the non-Muslim escort.
This train did not leave and the passengers had to go back to the
refugee camp.

The proprietor of the firm of Uberoi saw many of his non-
Muslim employees murdered; others ran away. He himself
escaped and reached Jammu. When he returned a few days later,
he found that the local authorities, with the assistance of the
Police and National Guards, had taken possession of his factory.
Large quantities of his stocks lying in the factory and his personal
goods including carpets, furniture and jewellery from his house
were removed in trucks. A dummy directorate was set up and an
attempt was made to operate upon the firm’s bank account.

A Hindu Advocate left his house in a tonga with a few belong¬
ings and proceeded on the road to Jammu. He was stopped by
the National Guards and deprived of all his goods. He returned
to Sialkot after peace was restored but was unable to remove either
his library or any other part of his personal effects. Thousands of
non-Muslims perished in the course of this rioting and lost all their
property. Many girls were kidnapped and dishonoured.

Rioting in the rural areas started almost simultaneously.
Every village in the district was attacked by mobs of Muslim
hooligans. In many instances the mobs were led by members
of the Muslim League National Guards or police officials. The
pattern of the assault was the same everywhere with a few vari¬
ations prompted by individual genius or the peculiarity of local
conditions. In some cases the local Muslims promised safety and
protection to the non-Muslim residents and swore upon the Quran
that no harm would come to them; but, when the village was
attacked by men from the neighbouring villages, these promises
were forgotten and the local Muslims joined the marauders in
looting and murdering their co-villagers. In other villages heavy
bribes were demanded and paid, but this only increased the greed
of the bribe-takers, and the non-Muslim residents were soon after¬
wards robbed of everything they had. Conversion to Islam was
frequently offered as the price of safety, and if the victims exhibited
any reluctance or religious scruples they were subjected to duress
and torture. The hair of Sikhs was cut off, their beards were
trimmed and beef was cooked and forced down their throats. Some
of them were circumcised. Young women and girls were molested

146

Stern Reckoning

and carried away. Reason and decency were completely banished
by fanatical zeal; and young innocent girls were raped in public.
In one village the relations of a girl w’ere made to stand around in
a ring while she was raped by several men in succession. Parties of
non-Muslims running away from such horrible scenes were set upon
and murdered. Even when armed escorts accompanied these parties
there was no respite from these ordea’s, in fact, the guards were
not unwilling to share in the loot. When the refugees reached the
banks of the Ravi and safety appeared to be within sight, the pro¬
blem of crossing the river pre.sented serious difficulties. Heavy
rains had made the river unfordable, boats were rarely available
and the Muslim boatme.i demanded exorbitant fares. Delays
t)ccurred and, while the refugees waited, they were attacked by
Muslim hooligans. In some cases a whole week had to be spent,
out in the open, without food or shelter. Young children and old
men could not survive exposure and starvation during the monsoon
months and large numbers of them died. Trains were stopped
and attacked on the way. Their passage was delayed and food
and drink were deliberately withheld from the unfortunate
passengers. Appeals for a drop of water were met with the argu¬
ment that the water of Pakistan would disagree with the stomachs
of those who were running away to India.

During the months of August and September two hundred and
thirty-ciglit villages were attacked and looted. There were thirty-
three distinct attacks on refugees proceeding to India by road and
six on tho.se lra\c11ing by train. A few village incidenl.s chosen at
random are given below A few others will be found in a table in
Appendix 11.

A mob of armed Muslims raided Rajiana Rattan on August
22, 1947, at 9 a.m. An As istant Sub-Inspector of Police and
twelve police constables accompanied the mob. The non-Muslims
of the village were a.sked to embrace Islam if they wanted to live
peacefully. They had to make their decision within two hours
and inform the Assistant Sub-Inspector. They met in a haveli to
discuss the matter and decided against conversion. Torrential rain
coming at this juncture drove the Muslims to seek shelter in houses.
The non-Muslims ran out and hid themselves in the fields near the
village. As soon as the rain stopped, the Muslims came out and
plundered the empty houses. They then went out to the fields in
order to round up the non-Muslims. Ten of them were killed but
the rest were able to escape to Jammu State.

The Punjab

147

On August 23, the non-Muslims of village Gol decided to
leave their homes on hearing persistent rumours of attacks on
the neighbouring villages. A large party of them left at noon but
they had gone only a short distance when they were confronted by
a mob of armed Muslims accompanied by sofne policemen and
military soldiers. They ran back to the village and took shelter
in the house of Chaudhry Raghbir Singh 2^ildar. The 2!]aildar
took his gun and climbed up to the roof. The house was surround¬
ed by the Muslims and the Zaildar was shot dead. Some of the
hooligans went up to the roof, made a hole in the ceiling and
dropped a number of bombs in.side. Many people were killed
and injured. Some, opening the door, ran out. These, too, were
attacked. Others hid themselves in the fields tid it was dark, and
then they walked to the river Ravi and succeeded in being taken
across.

On August 17, five thousand non-Muslims drawn from thii’ty-
two villages went to the Daska Camp and after staying there for
a fortnight started for Dera Baba Nanak, escorted by the Pakistan
military. The convoy arrived at Alipur Saidan Railway Station,
and stopped there for the night. A mob of two hundred Muslims,
armed with fire arms, spears and swords, had come to Alipur
Saidan the previous day and they were entertained by the local
Muslims. They planned to attack the non-Muslims camping at
the station. When the convoy left in the morning the Muslim
mob attacked it. The military escort joined the mob and the
attack continued for two hours and a half. Eight hundred non-
Muslims were killed and seventy were injured, A number of girls
were kidnapped. Property valued at several thousand rupees was
looted, '['he providential arrival of a train from Sialkot enabled
two thousand of the survivors to leave Alipur Saidan. 'I'he re.st
had to be left behind for lack of accommodation in the train. These
were saved by some Hindu soldiers who arrived on the following
day and escorted them to Dera Baba Nanak.

Baidana remained peaceful until September 18, although
there was wnsiderable panic and tension as several villages in the
neighbourhood were being attacked by Muslim mobs. On Septem¬
ber 18, Jajjar, a village one mile from Badiana, was attacked. The
Zaildar of the Ilaqa took a Muslim chaukidar with him and tried
to persuade the Muslim mob to spare Badiana, The Zaildar was
attacked and beaten. The next day the non-Muslims from the
adjoining villages collected and marched out to meet the Muslims.

148

Stem Reckoning

[n the clash that ensued both sides suffered casualties. On
September 24, a huge mob of Muslims attacked village Fatehpur
which is close to Badiana. This mob was led by a Sub-Inspector
of Police and four constables armed with rifles. The Sikh residents
of Fatehpur resisted and the mob went back. The non-Muslims
of Badiana then left their village and made their way to Pasrur.
At the Pasrur Camp the refugees were attacked and fifteen
of them were killed by Muslim troops. The refugees left
Pasrur for Dera Baba Nanak and, on the way, there were again
attacked near Narowal. Fortunately, a band of Hindu soldiers
arrived and dispersed the attackers. At Jassar the non-Muslims
were again attacked. Finally they reached Ramdas on Indian
territory, their numbers considerably attenuated by successive
attacks.

Dhavad, a village six miles from Narowal, was attacked by
a Muslim mob on September 2, at 9 a.m. The Muslims were armed
with firearms, swords, daggers and spears and were accompanied
by a Sub-Inspector of Police. The non-Muslims of the village
were rounded up and told that they would be killed. They were
forced to hand over their cash and ornaments. They were then
brought to the bank of the river Ravi, a distance of two miles,
and left there. Shortly afterwards the same mob again attacked
them and looted all their property. About eighteen girls were
kidnapped and the women were stripped and searched. The sur¬
vivors arranged with two Muslim boatmen to take them across
the river. When they were in midstream the boatmen threatened
to overturn the boats unless they were paid five hundred rupees
and a gold ring. The money was paid and the boats were taken
across.

On September 4, some Muslim National Guards entered the
house of one Nand Lai in Rupo Chak and shot him dead. The
house was then ransacked and plundered. The matter was
reported to the Muslim Zaildar, and he promised to exert his
influence in preventing the recurrence of such incidents if he were
paid a sum of three thousand rupees. The money was paid but
on September 15, Chhanga Mai, a moneylender, and the members
of his family were murdered at night by the Muslims. Their dead
bodies were thrown on a heap of garbage. The Zaildar again
demanded a large sum of money for guaranteeing the security of
the non-Muslims and the money was paid. On November 5,
some police constables arrived and asked the non-Muslims to get

The Punjab

149

ready to go to Zafarwal. They were told to take only two beddings
per family and nothing else. The non-Muslims loaded their be¬
longings on three bullock-carts and left for Zafarwal. The police
constables were paid three thousand rupees for escorting them
safely. At Zafarwal the non-Muslims were housed in a temple,
but the bullock-carts with their belongings were taken to the police
station and then removed to the headquarters of the Muslim
National Guards. The policemen told the refugees that the bullock-
carts contained Pakistan property which could not be taken to
India. At midnight a number of Muslims armed with Bren guns
and rifles invaded the temple. They seized any cash and jewellery
the refugees had hidden on their persons. In the morning the
refugees were removed to the Arya Saraaj Camp where they were
kept until November 13. They were then removed to Sialkot and.
on November 16, boarded a goods train bound for India.

Gujranwala District

The March disturbances had no serious repercussions in the
Gujranwala District though, in the month of April, the burning of
a sweet-seller’s shop at Wazirabad caused a great deal of panic
in that town. Many residents of Wazirabad left but they came back
on receiving assurances of peace and security from the local
Muslims. In the second week of August, stabbings of non-Muslims
began in the town of Gujranwala. On August 14, a number of
houses, shops and factories owned by non-Muslims were set on
fire. Then followed a brief lull but the town was, once again, shaken
by serious disturbances which spread through all quarters.
Muslim hooligans were seen wandering about the streets and loot¬
ing non-Muslim shops. I’rouble increased day by day and, on
August 27, a Muslim mob assisted by two constables looted the
shops in Bazaar Hari Singh Nalwa. Dr. Tej Bhan, a leading
Medical Practitioner, was foully murdered by a Sub-Inspector of
Police who first searched his house and then shot him and all
members of his family who were at home. Wazirabad fared much
worse. Almost the whole of this town was set on fire and the
flames were seen for many miles. The town was attacked on
August 13, by a large Muslim mob which came from the direction
of Nizamabad. Non-Muslim shops and houses were freely looted
and then burnt. Wazirabad was the scene of a most ruthless and
barbarous attack on a train of refugees proceeding to Jammu. The
train was stopped about a mile outside Wazirabad where the track
was found to be blocked. A large mob of armed Muslims then

150

Stern Reckomng

attacked the train and a veritable orgy of loot and murder began.
Several hundred non-Muslims were killed in the course of this
attack and many women were kidnapped. Almost the entire
belongings of the passengers were carried away. It may be men¬
tioned here that Nizamabad, situated a mile from Wazirabad.
was a centre of the cutlery cottage industry and large quantities
of knives and daggers were sent from this place to various parts
of India. Several cases of this deadly merchandise addressed to
Muslim League agitators were captured by the police.

Eniinabad and Kamokc arc important trade and factory
centres where non-Muslims owned considerable property. At
Eminbad, on August 11, a Hindu, proceeding in a tonga, was foully
murdered. His assailants were arrested and sent up to stand their
trial. Two days after the partition of the province they were dis¬
charged and allowed to return to their village. On their arrival
they openly proclaimed that they would not allow any non-Muslim
to live in Eminabad. On August 19, a large mob of Muslims with
whom were some members of the National Guard began to loot
and burn the non-Muslim shops. The grain market was almost
completely destroyed. The disturbance gathered volume and, on
August 20, there was more looting and burning. The Gurdwara
Rohri Sahib was desecrated and set on fire. Some Sikhs in the
Gurdwara were murdered. Almost all the factories in Kamoke
were set on fire on August 22 and 2.^. Most of the non-Muslims
left the village and in their absence their houses and shops were
plundered. Many of those who were left behind were murdered
and then burnt by pouring kerosene oil over the corpses. The
worst mas.sacre in the district, perhaps, took p'acc at Akalgarh, an
impiutant trade centre on the railway line between Wazirabad and
Lyalipur. The business and Zemindara interests were all in the
hands of non-Muslims who comprised a moiety of the total popu¬
lation. The surrounding villages \ve-c chiefly inhabited by Muslims
and when the disturbances began the non-Muslims from these
villages began to move into Akalgarh in the hope of finding greater
security. The number of these refugees soon swelled into thousands
and five different refugee camps were set up in Akalgarh. Till
September 2, Hindu military was stationed at Akalgarh and condi¬
tions remained peaceful. A Baluch regiment then replaced the
Hindu military and, within a few days, conditions changed. On
September 7, it was announced that all Hindus and Sikhs must
surrender their weapons immediately. Extensive searches were

1 he Punjab

151

carried out through the town and the refugee camps, and even
ordinary knives were taken away. Two retired Sikh Subedars of
the Army protested against this order. They were attacked by
the Baluch soldiers and murdered. Their dead bodies were
thrown into the canal. The search for weapons provided the police
and the army with an excuse for taking away all the cash and
jewellery in possession of the refugees. Boxes and trunks were
rifled. Women were stripped naked and molested. The weapons
collected were placed in a large heap in front of the police station
and were then distributed to the Muslims who came in from the
neighbouring villages. That evening a large mob of Muslims,
assisted by Baluch soldiers, attacked the refugee camp in the Gov¬
ernment High School. The men were separated from the women
and then about forty girls were selected and told to march out.
Some of the girls resisted and were shot. The mob attacked the men
and killed several of them. The refugee camp in Sanatan Dharam
Mandir was attacked next. Some parents, knowing the designs
of the Muslims, tried to conceal their young girls by wrapping them
up inside their beddings. The girls were discovered, taken out and
led up to a room on the top storey where they were raped by
Baluch so'diers. Some girls jumped into a well to save themselves
from such foul treatment. The Muslim mob looted the refugees
and killed several hundreds of them. The dead bodies were
carried in trucks to the canal bank and thrown in the water. A
young girl w'as found dying on the roadside four days later. She
had been raped by several Muslims and then left for dead. The
Sub-Inspector of Police. Akalgarh, issued directions that no Mus¬
lim should grind wheat for the refugees or sell any provisions to
them. The looted property from the refugee camps and houses
was carried away in military trucks. The Muslim residents of the
neighbouring villages took away a share of the loot in bullock-carts.
The arrival of the Dogra military, on September 8, saved the town
and the refugees from total annihilation. The refugees were finally
evacuated at the end of October. It is estimated that over two
thousand people were killed in Akalgarh on September 7 and 8,
and about two hundred girls were abducted.

Towards the end of September, Kamoke witnessed a most
gruesome attack on a refugee train carrying non-Muslims from
West Punjab. The train contained over three thousand refugees,
most t»f whom had been placed in open cattle wagons. At Kamoke
the train was made to stop for a whole night as it was said that

152

Stern Reckoning

the track had been damaged. During the night parties of Muslims
were seen moving about near the train, and by the morning, a iarge
mob had collected. At 12 noon, the train was attacked and almost
the entire body of passengers was killed. About six hundred
young girls were carried away. One of them, who was after¬
wards recovered, was taken to village Pandorian by a Kashmiri
who kept her in his house for five days. The girl’s story is that
the Kashmiri tried to kill her. “ I had 16 tolas of gold sewn
into my under-garments. 1 requested him not to kill me and
offered him the gold which he took and made over to his brother.
In the house, the Kashmiri raped me and then suggested that 1
should marry his nephew Din Mohammad. Owing to the shock and
the atrocities my brain became unbalanced. A month later
Gurkha military came to the village. I was concealed in a
Muslim refugee’s house. For some hours the Gurkha military
searched for me in vain and went away. Three months later the
military again came to the village. Neither the Kashmiri nor
Din Mohammad were in the house. I had been concealed in a
corn bin. The soldiers were going to leave when a Muslim woman
told them of my whereabouts. The soldiers returned to the house
in which 1 was concealed and hearing their foot-steps I came out
and fell down senseless.” The abducted girls who had the good
fortune to be recovered and restored to their relations have related
many horrible stories of the atrocities to which they were subjected.

The town of Hafizabad was attacked on August 24, and
looting and arson on a very large scale took place.

In the rural areas disturbances on a large and extensive scale
took place throughout the district. Whole villages were ransacked
and the non-Mu.slim residents compelled to embrace Islam.
Rumours of an imminent attack made the non-Muslim residents
of Talwandi leave their village. Those who were left behind
were forcibly converted to Islam. In Wanike-Tarar the Sub-
Inspector announced that all Sikhs had been declared disloyal by
the Pakistan Government. He said he had instructions to drive
out all the Sikhs from the village. The village was raided soon
after this and all the Sikhs were mercilessly butchered. Their
dead bodies were carried to the river Chenab, in a truck, and
thrown in the stream. The Sikh houses and shops were plundered.
The Muslims undertook to spare the Hindus but the next day
they were told that they must be converted to Islam. All the
Hindus, numbering about two hundred, were taken to the local

The massacre of non-Muslims at Kamoke Railway Station

The massacre of rioa-Muslmis ai Kamoke Railway Station

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153

mosque and converted. Thatta Parothian was attacked and burnt
on August 26. Many of the residents lost their lives in the fire.
Lx)oting continued throughout the night and hundreds of cattle,
belonging to the non-Muslims, were driven away. The Hindus
of Kale Ki Mandi were told, on August 26, that they would
be murdered unless they embraced Islam. They agreed to this
but refused to hand over their girls to the Muslims. On this the
Muslims attacked them, killing ten and injuring about fifty. On
August 27, two lorries carrying Muslim police and military
arrived in the village. They joined the Muslim mob in a brutal
attack on the Hindus, entered Hindu houses and dishonoured
Hindu women. Some women committed suicide by taking poison.
In village Jokhian. a house in which a number of Hindus were
locked up was set on fire. The Hindus escaped through one of
the doors but they were pursued and pul to death. At Joara,
while a peace committee of Hindus and Muslims was deliberating
and devising means of preserving peace, a Muslim mob attacked
the village. A Sub-Inspector of Police, police constables and
Baluch soldiers accompanied the mob. Some Sikhs were killed
and many houses were looted. A second attack was made on the
village a fortnight later. On this occasion, thirty-five non-Muslims
\\cre kdled and the rest of the houses were looted. The remaining
non-Muslims were converted to Islam. Baddoki Gosain was
attacked and looted on August 24. Non-Muslim refugees of
Madia la Panach and Mandi Sukhoke were attacked on the way
by Muslim mobs. A number of people lost their lives and many
young women were abducted. 1’hc attack on C'hak Gha/i by a
Muslim mob was averted by the efforts of Fateh Mohammad
Lambardar ami Mian Rehmat Khan. These two men escorted
the non-Muslims of their village safely to Akalgarh. In C'hak
Bhalti there was a difference of opinion among the local Muslims.
Some of them wanted to exterminate the “ kafirs ” while others
were of the opinion that they should be converted and then allowed
to .stay unmolested. 'The timely arrival of. a Hindu Army officer
with a number of trucks sa\ed the situation and the non-Mu.slim
residents were evacuated from the village,

Gujrat District

The district of Gujrat touches Kashmir State along its
northern boundary. The Grand Trunk Road passes through the
headquarter town of Gujrat. The district is a predominantly
Muslim one and its population at the census of 1941 was recorded
11

154

Stern Reckoning

as 85.58 per cent Muslim. Gujrat, Lalamusa. Malakwal, Mandi
Baha-ud-Din, Dinga and Kunjah are among the important places
ill the district.

I here were no disturbances in the district during the month
of March. In June, after the Mountbatten Plan had been
announced, the attitude of the Muslims towards the Hindus and
Sikhs began to change and, with the advance of time, the
mmoniies became apprehensive of Iheir safety. Many began to
leave the urban and the rural areas and. before the 15th of August,
a large number of Hindus and Sikhs had left the town of Gujrat
and some of the villages. On Augu.st 12, three Hindus were
slabbed in Giijiat, in broad daylight. This spread panic through
the town. A day oi two later, some non-Muslims who were
travelling by tram were murdered and then dead bodies were
thrown out. It was said that Muslim butchers had been specially
engaged for the purpose. More incidents of this type occurred
and travelling became unsafe. The raiKva> authorities cancelled
a number of trains as adeiiiiate ariangemenls loi the safety of the
passengers could not be made At about this time, Muslim
refugees from Bast Punjab began to arrive and, on August 18,
after hi prayers, a rumour was spread through the town that a
large mob of Sikhs from the neighbouring villages of Tahli Sahib
and Shadiwal was preparing to attack the Muslims. Flic rumour
was w'holly baseless but it provided the Muslims with an excuse
to collect in laigc numbers and make an attack on the non-Muslim
localities. All the shops m the Railway Station Bazaar belonging
to the non-Muslims were looted and burnt. The disturbance
spread to other parts of the town and Ba/aar Sarafan was also
plundered and burnt. ^ On August 19, a group of Muslims entered
the Lakshmi Narain Temple, threw out the images and pictures
and set fire to the building. Khanna Gurdwara, situated near
the railway station, w'as similarly desecrated. The Punjab National
Bank, the Grain Market and the Imperial Bank were burnt. About
one hundred and fifty non-Muslims were killed in the.se two days,
and a number of girls* were kidnapped. A refugee camp for non-
Muslinis was set up, while looting in the town continued.
I ravelling by tram became more and more unsafe and every train,
arriving from the north-west, was found to contain dead bodies
of Hindu.s and wSikhs. Trains were stopped on the way and
attacked by mobs of Muslim hooligans. The neighbouring village
of Tahli Sahib was a predominantly Sikh village and the residents

The Punjab

155

offered a certain amount of resistance to the Muslim attack on
August 18. Many of them lost their lives in the conflict that
followed. The attack was, however, repulsed and two men who
were clean-shaven offered to go to Amritsar and get military
assistance. When they reached the Wazirabad Railway Station
they found that all non-drcumcised passengers were being put to
death. They, therefore, came back to their village. They made
another attempt and reached Wazirabad by road. They were able
to sec a Hindu Army officer who promised to arrange for their
evacuation. A few days later, a foot convoy under-military escort
was arranged. Some members of this convoy lost their lives in a
stream which was then in spate. When the convoy arrived at
Wazirabad all men and women were searched by members of the
National Guard and deprived of all their valuables. After their
departure the Gurdwara Tahli Sahib was looted and burnt.*

At Lalamusa also a rumour about Sikhs preparing them¬
selves for an attack was spread through the town and, immediately
afterw'ards, a Muslim mob, assisted by members of the National
Guard, began setting fire to the shops and houses of non-Muslims.
Gurdw'ara Singh Sabha was desecrated and burnt. The Granlhi
and the members of his family were murdered. The Gurdwara
in Santpur was also burnt and its Granthi killed. This happened
on August' 18. On the following day a Madras military contingent
arrived and prevented further mischief. The Madrasis remained
in Lalamusa until October 2, and, during their stay, no untoward
incident occurred. They were then replaced by a Baluch regiment.
I'here were many complaints of harassment by the Baluch military
and some women from the refugee camp were molested by them.
The houses vacated by non-Muslims w'erc looted and occupied.
Evacuation from the camp began on October 11. Before
evacuation non-Muslims were searched and deprived of their
valuables.

The events in Malakwal followed a similar course. Here, too,
a rumour of a contemplated attack by the Sikhs of village Shumari
was heard and the Sub-Inspector left Malakwal to enquire into
its truth. In his absence, the local Muslims began to loot
non-Muslim houses and shops. Forty shops in Rail Bazaar were
destroyed in this manner on August 19. On August 28, a mob
of several thousand Muslims attacked Malakwal and burnt a major

* Thi.s incident was deposed to by one hundred and thirty-nine witncs.<ics.

156

Stem Reckoning

portion of the town. Several hundred non-Muslims were killed.
The survivors were escorted to Mandi Baha-ud-Din where a large
camp had been set up.

Mandi Baha-ud-Din was an important trade centre. It was
a railway station, the headquarters of a thmia and the seat of a
Subordinate Judge and an Honorary Magistrate. Three Boys'
High Schools and a Girls’ High School were located in the town.
On August 15, Hindus took part in a public function arranged to
celebrate the establishment of Pakistan and offered then
co-operation to the new Government. On August 18, the local
Muslims spread a rumour that a large mob of Sikhs was preparing
to attack them. That evening a number of villages, including
Kunjah and Jalalpur Jattan, were attacked by Muslim mobs.
There was Hindu military in Mandi Baha-ud-Din and nothing
untoward occurred in the town until August 27 on which date
Hindu military was replaced by Muslim military, in charge of
one Major Aslam. According to all the available evidence this
officer (lid everything in his power to safeguard the lives of the
non-Muslims, and the local Hindus offered to present him with
a gold shield if they remained unmolested. In the early hours of
vSeptember 1, the noise of drums w'as heard and soon afterwards
a mob of Muslims opened an attack on the Hindu and Sikh
houses in Mohalla Rampura. With the mob were a number of
Pathan labourers who had come from the Rasul Head Works. The
military resisted this attack and one Pathan was shot dead. Major
Aslam then sent a wireless message to Jhelum and a contingent
of Hindu military with six tanks arrived in Mandi Baha-ud-Din
and saved further loss of non-Muslim lives. Conditions were,
however, far from satisfactory in the refugee camp where several
thousand non-Muslims were living. The food and drink supplied
to the non-Muslims in the camp were poisoned on several
occasions and this caused considerable loss of life. Reports
regarding the number of casualties vary but it would be safe to
say that nearly a thousand persons lost their lives from food
poisoning.

On September 5. a huge Muslim mob attacked the town of
Dinga. Over a thousand non-Muslims are alleged to have been
massacred and about three hundred girls were kidnapped,* A
A witness saw dead bodies lying naked in the streets, some of

Sonic of ilicsc were laltr lecoiercJ.

The Punjab

157

them had been horribly mutilated. The town was looted and a large
portion of it was burnt down. A lorry containing Gurkha soldiers
arrived on the night of September 7 and the survivors were
evacuated to a camp. On September 9, some Muslim Army men
went to the camp and carried away a considerable quantity of
cash and ornaments. On September 19, the refugees were taken
to the camp at Mandi Baha-ud-Din, According to the available
evidence members of the National Guards and the police took part
in the massacre and looting.

Village Kunjah was similarly attacked on August 18. The
shops of the non-Muslims were broken open and looted and then
the entire bazaar was burnt down. The town was completely
sacked. About three hundred and lifty non-Muslims were
murdered and about one hundred and lifty Sikhs were forcibly
converted to Islam. About twenty girls were kidnapped. Village
Bhairowal was attacked on August 31. The shops and houses
were looted and about one hundred and eighty persons were
murdered. 7'he survivors agreed to accept Islam but when they
were being escorted to Haveli Manu Basal, a neighbouring abadi,
they were set upon by a Muslim mob and thrown into the river
Chenab. Nearly a hundred girls were carried away. The same
Muslim mob then went to the neighbouring village of Makhdoom
and killed a number of non-Muslims. They carried away
thirty-five women. Karianwala, Daulat Nagar, Gakhar Kalan,
Gobindpura, Kalu and Jalalpur Jattan were also subjected to very
severe attacks and the loss of life in these villages was considerable.
The residents of Barsala, Ram Garhwal, Gotriala. Sudewal, Dhal,
Lahri, Ara, Samithal, Dhamlhal and Alamgarh, near the border
of Jammu State, were frequently attacked while proceeding to iicek
refuge in the State territory. Their villages were looted and burnt.*
The happenings in Ghak No. 26, a Sikh village, are best described
in the words of its Lambardar Sant Singh, an extract from whose
statement is given below:

“Chak No. 26 was a Sikh Chak colonised by Sikh Rajputs
of the Rathor clan, popularly known as Labana Sikhs, It was
populated by two thousand Sikhs and a few Muslim kamins or
tenants. The adjoining villages of Chak No. 23. Chak No. 25, Chak
No. 35, Xara, Sat Basal. Chak No. 11, Mona, Chak Makoh, etc.,
were all predominantly Muslim. Prior to the formation of

* In tbe tabic in Appendix 11, which j\ bv no tneans cxhatisiivc. arc incniioncd a
number of other villages in which the attacks were most severe

158

Stern Reckoning

Pakistan, the relations between the Sikhs and the Muslims were
cordial and friendly. Between June 3 and August 15, the Muslim
attitude towards the Sikhs steadily changed. They felt that the
Sikhs were aggrieved and would not put up with Pakistan. The
agitation by the Sikhs that they would not be content with
partition unless the boundary were demarcated along the river
C'hcnab greatly annoyed the Muslims and they began looking upon
the Sikhs as the stumbling block in their way. We, the Sikhs,
were undoubtedly aggrieved as the result of the partition but we
trusted the professions of friendship by the Muslims and their
pretentions to protect the minorities. ,

“ In order to ward off an attack in the event of any dis¬
turbance, the villagers had taken the following precautions. They
had built a surrounding wall 7 feet high round the village ahadi
which extended t)vcr two .squares of land and a ditch, 4 feet deep
beyond the wall. There were four openings in the wall with
pinra doors. A Shahidi Jatha had been organized with Jethedars
and duties were a.ssigned to them. We had sent out spies into
the Muslim vil'agcs (o find out their plans.

“On August 1.5, a meeting was convened by Jahan Khan, an
M.L.A. and a prominent Muslim League worker of Basal village.
The Sub-Inspector of Miana Gondal was also in the meeting. On
August 16, one Mohammad Shaft, a compounder of the Civil
Hospital, who held me in great respect, informed me that it was not
possible for the Sikhs to remain in the district any longer. We sent
Sant Singh, Dewan Singh, Gurrnukh Singh, Budh Singh, Lambar-
dars and Giani Takhat Singh. Thakar Singh and Bhag Singh to
Mona, the Army Remount Depot, to inform the Officer Command¬
ing about the schemes of the Muslims and ask for assistance in the
event of an attack. The officer promised his help.

“ On August 17. friendly messages came from the neighbour¬
ing villages that our chak was in danger. On that day, Prem Singh
Nihang, who had lands in Chak No. 21, was returning home with
his two sons, aged 12 and 13, when he was attacked by a number
of Muslims, 'rhe two boys ran into the rakh close by but Prem
Singh was .set upon and shot dead. When the boys came to our
village and told us of the attack 1 went with the Sub-Inspcctor of
Police who had come to our village by chance, to Chak No. 21,
and found Prem Singh’s dead body lying on the road. The
Sub-Inspector then went away. On the night between August 17
'•nd 18, we heard the beating of drums, which was the signal for

The Punjab 159

the attack. Large crowds of Muslims were seen collecting in the
neighbouring villages.

“ We organized our defence in the following way. Two hundred
men of the Akal Regiment were posted in batches of fifty each
on the four gates in the wall. All the women were armed with
kirpans. They wore male dress, i.e., turbans on their heads and
salwars round their waists. Thalis (metal dishes) were tied on
the chest by way of shields. One hundred women were detailed
to supply water to the defenders. The men were divided in two
parts. Half were placed in front of the women and half behind
them. The building of the village Gurdwara is a tall one. and a
Sikh was posted on top with a telescope. The Muslim mob was
seen to possess ladders, camels and spades besides all kinds of
firearms and leathal weapons.

“ According to our plan we had to remain on the defensive,
but when we saw that the Muslim mob was very large and strong
wc changed our tactics. We also began to beat the dhol maru
(battle drum) and came out of our fortress. This made the
Muslims think, and Jahan Khan sent us a message through
Mohammad Din Lohar that we should send four of our men to
talk to four of their men and come to terms. The two parlies
met half-way and Jahan Khan said. ‘ It is Muslim Rai now.
Pakistan has been established. We arc the rulers and the Hindus
rym. J'hc Sikhs will have to fly the Pakistan flag and
obey the orders and injunctions of the Muslim Government

and pay them land re\enue and other dues.’ We replied

that we would obey all just and htinourable orders but

nothing beyond that. In reply to our question Jahan Khan said
that he had heard of Sikh attacks on several villages but that the
news was found to be false. He then agreed to go back and the
mob retreated.

“ Mr. Lich, who was the Commanding Officer posted at the
Mona Remount Depot, now arrived on the scene with a contin¬
gent of sepoys, but returned on seeing that the Muslim mob was
retreating.

“ We again .sent four men (including myself) on horseback to
Mona Depot to ask for an e.scort to evacuate us from the village.
Wc were met by a number of Muslims on the way and told to
return home. We said that we were going to sec the Police officers
in Chak No. 28. A little further we met another group of .seven
Muslims who tried to attack us. We opened fire on them and

160

Stern Reckoning

they ran away. We finally reached Mona and saw the officer in
charge. He gave us four trucks and these, doing two trips daily,
began to transport the men of our village. We were not allowed
to lake any luggage as there was no room in the trucks. We could
only take a few clothes, rations and ornaments.

“On August 24, the Sub-Inspector of Police ordered that
further evacuation should stop as the Sikhs and the Sikh military
sepoys had burnt alive some Muslims and set their houses on fire.
At this stage three hundred men were left in Chak No. 26. They
were cxjxjctcd to bring some of the valuable property with them.
The Sub-Inspector came to the village with a posse of armed
police and stopped the evacuation. The sound of drums was
again heard from Muslim villages and the Sikhs formed a morefm
for their defence. A mob of fifteen hundred Muslims armed with
.303 Titles attacked the village in the evening at about 8 p.m. The
firing started and went on for a long time. The Sikhs had to lake
slielter in the Gurdwara. The mob entered the village. Bullets
pierced tlirough the walls of the Gurdwara. I’he Sikhs became
desperate and came out to fight. One hundred of them were
killed and fifty were injured The remaining one hundred and
fifty escaped and reached Mona. Our houses and the Gurdwara
were looted and burnt.”

This statement was corroborated by eleven other witnesses
Montgomery District

The Sikhs had an im{x>rtant stake in the district of Mont¬
gomery as their enterprise was mainly responsible for developing
the colony area and adding to the agricultural prosperity of the
district. The Hindus had an important share in the industrial
economy of the district* and these considerations, among many
others, were urged before the Boundary Commission in support
of the non-Mu.slim claim to a part #)f this district, although the
Muslims comprised 69 per cent of the total population. The
Muslim response to this claim was one of open and bittcj* hosti¬
lity. directed towards both Hindus and Sikhs but, more particularly,
towards the Sikhs, This increased after the announcement of the
Radcliffe Award and a most determined and su.stained attempt
was made to eliminate the Sikh element from the district. The
Sikh villages were subjected to ruthless attacks : men. women and
children were brutally slaughtered and their houses were reduced
to ashes; those who fled from their burning homes were pursued

* fVi ih.‘ thir!>-(in^ |o,iit stock ctimptnics in the J.strn.i were contiollcd b> non-Mu\linis.

The Punjab

161

or waylaid by the murderous hoards who infested the whole
countryside. Day after day foot caravans of refugees, on the
way to the Dominion of India, were attacked ; men and women
were butchered, young girls were carried away and property was
looted. The progress of trains carrying non-Muslim refugees was
delayed, there were frequent and quite inexplicable halts on the
way, food and drink were denied to the passengers and mobs of
armed hooligans attacked them at different stages of the journey.
The Muslim military escorts adopted an apathetic, if not acutally
hostile, attitude while the non-Muslim escorts found themselves
powerless against greater numbers, though in some instances they
were successful in driving away the assailants. There was very
heavy loss of life in the district and numerous cases of mass
conversion.

Upto August 10, Mr. Said Zaman held the office of Deputy
Commissioner and till then the district remained peaceful.
According to general opinion, his impartiality and firmness kept
the unruly elements in check. He was succeeded by Raja Hassan
Akhtar. an avowed Muslim Leaguer, whose arrival appeared to
encourage the Muslim gangsters. A few days after he took charge,
an alarm was raised in the town of Montgomery that some Mus¬
lim girls had been molested by Sikh boys. The basis of this out¬
cry was that a Muslim girl who had purchased some sweets
from a Sikh boy had refused to pay for them. Muslim
goomlas began to collect and rioting spread through the city.
Three Sikhs and two Hindus were stabbed to death. Curfew was
imposed but, the moment it was lifted, twenty-four non-Muslims
going to the railway station were set upon and killed. On this,
curfew was rc-imposed. On the night of August D, two Muslims,
walking in the street during curfew hours, were fatally shot by
Sikh .soldiers on patrol duty. The next morning a huge funeral
procession was taken out through the main streets, and it was
openly said that the deaths of these two Muslims would be
adequately avenged. The Saw Mill of Dewan Chand and a
number of shops in the bazaar w'cre set fire to. Hooligans then
looted Okara Mill and the Delhi Cloth Mills retail shop. A Hindu
Magistrate, posted at Montgomery, at the time, attended a meeting
in the Deputy Commissioner’s room on August 24. The Deputy
Commissioner openly said that all Sikhs must be shot or killed at
sight and that the Hindus could, for the time being, be spared.
Some Muslim refugees from East Punjab had, by now, arrived in
Montgonery, and they were located in a camp near the railway

162

Stem Reckoning

station. Their presence made it impossible for any non-Muslim
to reach the railway station with any degree of safety. The non-
Muslims. waiting for trains at the railway station, were frequently
attacked and. on August 25, they were fired upon. Muslim
policemen were seen taking part in the attack. Conditions in the
non-Muslim camp were extremely distressing. Provisions were
scarce and frequently unobtainable. In one case, fruit sold to
refugees was found to be poisoned. The Muslim guard did not
permit water to be carried to the camp, nor were the refugees
allowed to bring it from the canal which ran at a distance of a
few hundred feet. They were frequently forced to gel drinking
water from a small water-course in which carcasses of dead dogs
had been thrown by the Muslims.

The non-Muslim policemen were all di.sarmed under the
orders of the Superintendent of Police on August 14, and they
were kept in a serai near the railway station as virtual prisoners.
The Deputy Commissioner and the Superintendent of Police
announced that they could not give any protection to the non-
Muslim minorities. Condition in the town made it impossible for
the non-Muslims to live there. A well in Sabzi .Mandi was full
of dead bodies and the stench emanating from it proclaimed the
fate in store for the non-Muslims. It was not till August 25.
when Mr. Belcher, Commissioner, Multan Division, paid a visit to
Montgomery that arrangements for the evacuation of some of the
non-Muslims by train were made.

Hujra Shah Mukim was attacked on August 23, by a Muslim
mob assisted by a Sub-Inspector of Police and Muslim
military. A wholesale slaughter and burning of the houses of non-
Muslim residents ensued. The frenzy of the mob prompted many
women to commit suicide by jumping into burning houses. The
depth of suffering and the anguish resulting from this brutal attack
can be assessed by the fact that many men took the extreme step
of putting their own women and children to death, to save them
from a worse fate at the hands of the hooligans. One man was
seen throwing his infant son, four days old. into the flames. Out
of a total population of nearly a thousand non-Muslims, only . ne
hundred and sixty survived. At village Kasowal a she-buffalo
was slaughtered by the Muslims in full view of the Hindu resi¬
dents. A protest merely made the Muslims more aggressive in
their attitude. The Sub-Inspector of Police tried to pacify the
two communities and, for the time being, a clash was averted.
A few days later, a Muslim mob accompanied by members of the

The Punjab

163

Pakistan Army and a police constable arrived in the village.
These men came in military trucks, on horseback and on foot.
They laid a siege around the village and then attacked it from all
sides. For a time the non-Muslims defended themselves but many
of them were shot down by the Muslim soldiers. The mob then
ran w'ild and began an indiscriminate slaughter of non-Muslims.
Some, in their frenzy, impaled young children and infants on spears
and flourished them in front of their mothers. Nearly four hundred
Hindus and Sikhs perished in the course of this assault. Many
young girls were carried away by the raiders. While this holo¬
caust was still in progress, a contingent of Hindu and Sikh
soldiers, on patrol duty, arrived and, on seeing them, the mob
dispersed and ran away.

Pakpattan was attacked and looted on August 23 and 24.
The next day a large convoy of non-Muslims left the town. The
convoy was stopped by the police at a distance of two furlongs
and detained for several hours, during which time the non-
Muslims were searched and looted of a large part of their
xaluablcs. Proceeding further, they found dead bodies of non-
Muslims strewn all along the route. Near Chak No. 22, they saw
a lorry lying on its side with the dead body of its Hindu driver
near by. A little further, they saw dead bodies of twenty-five non-
Muslims by the roadside. In Chak Daula Bala the Zaildar
announced that he had received orders from the Deputy Commis¬
sioner and the Superintendent of Police to exterminate the Sikhs
in his zail. He said that this was merely the price which the Sikhs
had to pay for what their co-religionists had done to the Muslims
in East Punjab. He offered safety to the Hindu.s if they agreed
to embrace Islam. News of an attack on a neighbouring village
where thirty non-Muslims were murdered was received in Chak
Daula Bala and this argument persuaded the non-Muslims to
accept conversion. The non-Muslims were finally evacuated by
Hindu military on September 29. The non-Muslim residents of
Chak No. 123/E.B. loaded their belongings on bullock-carts and
left the village. They were stopped on the way by the police and
told to go back. The following morning the village was sur¬
rounded by a huge mob of Muslims. The villagers ran to the
police station in the hope of finding shelter there. They were
pursued and many who had lagged behind were murdered.
The village was then looted and burnt down. The Sub-Inspf:ctor
advised the non-Muslims to go to Arifwala. On the way the
convoy was again attacked and .some young girls were carricil

164

Stern Reckoning

away I he timely arrival of some Dogra soldiers on patrol duty
saved the lemaining non-Muslims and they were escorted to
Arifwdla and thence to Fero/epore Chak No 44 was attacked
a Muslim mob (in August 22, and the non-Muslims escaped
to ( hak No 47 On August 28. Chak No 47 was attacked by
a Idigc mob a>*sisted by some Police ofhcials and Muslim soldiers
TliL nu*b made a laigt breach m the canal embankment and the
v^hoL village was floodcJ I he non-Muslims resisted the attack
lor a time but nearly a thousand of them perished Many young
women WL e kidnapped

1 he non-Muslirn con\o\ Itom village Kandianwala was
dttaci L 1 )ust outside the village on August Id, and ten peisons
wtic kil'ed On August 22 a similar convoy from Mandi Hira
Sinuh Wala was attacked Nine non-Muslims weie killed and
almost the entiie piopeilv of the convov looted On August
non-Miislims living in village Bhifa Gulab Singh, were attacked
Ovei a bundled poisons were killed On August 24, a large
caiavan whuh left f hak No 4 141 with bullock-cails and cattle
was attacked by a Muslim mob accompanied bv Muslim military
The attack resulted in many deaths and the looting ol considei-
abk propel tv Fhcie weie attacks on convoys on August 25 at
R iltake and on August 2^ at Aiifvvala where there was an
cxchingc of shots between the non-Muslim escort and some Mus¬
lim soldiers 1 he Canal Head '\orks at Sulemanke which

became a bottleneck lot the refugees ciossing over into the Indian
Oominion was the scene of nunteious attacks bv Muslim mobs
In some pails ol ihe ihslnct tlu road runs paialict and close to
the lailwav line and on at least one occasion Baluch military
tiavcllmg bv liam iircd upon a tool convov killing many
n<m Muslims

1 be e were thicc vciv senoiis attacks on tiams m the district
Gn All'list IS a luimbci of non-Mutlims left Okaia by the Sind
I \picss I his iiain was attacked at Haiappa and ol about thiee
bundled non Muslims who weie in two bogies only twelve sui-
vivcd Ihc tram fiom Pakpattan was attacked near Basirpur
Rail wav Station and manv peisons were murdered On Septem-
bei 26 an eisi-bouiid tram aiiived at Pakpattan Ihe Mahiatla
cscoii was replaced bv a Baluch escort A,ltei several hours’ delay
at Pakjaian ihc tiam left at 11 pm It was stopped a mile
beyond the station and a Muslim mob. shouting “ Va Ah Ya
Ail attacked it About loin hundred non-Muslims were killed
in the com VC of this assault and ovei a bundled girls were carried

The Punjab

165

away Almost the entire property of the passengeis was looted
The tram did not stait till 6 a ra next morning In the middle
of October, a train arrived at Montgonieiy at pm and was then
driscn back a distance of two miles and stopped In the
darkness of the night a mob of Muslims came out of the cotton
fields on either side of the railway track and attacked the
passengers who were travelling in open goods wagons There was
considerable loss of life Almost every east-bound tram passing
through Montgomery or Pakpattan was attacked at sonic stage
of Its journey Some of these attacks took place in the area of
Lahoic Distnet and some of the worst massacres were witnessed
at Raiwind Railwa> Station

I ^ all put Disttu!

The distiict of L>allpur was the most prosperous and produc¬
tive of the colony areas and one of the richest in the whole
province The cotton ciop made a substantial contribution to the
wealth of L\allpur and apart from adding to the prosperity ot the
agiicLiltuiists It was responsible tor the establishment ot seveial
industiial concerns Fhcie were many important gram markets
m the distiicl cc L>allpui laranwalla Go|ra. landhanwala all
ot which were contioiled and run by non-Muslims I arge
amounts of Hindu capital had been sunk in setting up cotton
ginning and weaxing lactones and Hour and sugar mills On the
agricultural side a very laigc share ot the holdings in the uilony
area was m the hands of the Sikhs who contributed the major
poition ot the land itwcniic So extensive wcic the financial and
pioprietaiy interests of the non Muslims* in this district that even
atlei the enforcement ot t* c Raclclifle Award when I vallpur
be ame part of Pakistan and when the life and piopcitv ol the
minorities were seen to be in jeopards the non-Muslims did not
migrate as readi!> is Irom some ol the other districts ot the
Punjab They iingeicd im hoping that the stiiic of madness wou'd
soon pass away and the return of normal conditions would enable
them to live peaceful lives 1 hey icceivcd assurances of protec¬
tion fioni the Deputy Commissioner. Mr Hamid, whose impartial

The Sjkh-. « wned ptr ttni i f the t nl htldinrs tml in iht colons nii is htv pud
net cent ot tht Imd icvmii. Iht n n Musi m t ntiolk J sixiv joint t ck u pints

IS kunst tvk ■> suth iimpinits tontioUtd hs Muslims if th sc tntytwi (it ii< in lh
distiiLt hits stvtn wtit wnt 1 ly n >n Mi Inis Iht ht iit I iW iis s piid ls\ iht M isl ms
\nt\ nrn Mu ims wcr

fv m Hfit Uni Muslim

Rs fl-ikhsl R (hkhsl

Pr pc I tv ttv
Silts tix
Ircomc tax

I 4

0 '*

t 0

0 1

SO s

166

Stem Reckoning

and helpful attitude kept the lawless elements in check for a
considerable time. Unqualified tributes arc paid to his indefati¬
gable energies in this direction and large numbers of refugees
have cxprcs.sed the opinion that, but for his exertions, the loss of
non-Muslim life would have been much greater. The emotional
wave of communal frenzy, however, proved loo strong in the end.
and the arrival of large numbers of Muslim refugees from East
Punjab who had sufi’ered the retaliatory wrath of the .Sikhs made
it impossible to pre.serve the safety of the non-Muslims. The Sikhs,
in particular, were singled out and made to pay heavily for the
crimes of their co-religionists in Amritsar, Ferozepore, Ludhiana
and .lullundur. I yallpur witnessed three horrific holocausts and,
at Jaranwala and Gojra, gruesome tragedies of murder and rapine
were enacted. In the rural areas, village after village was attacked
by Muslim mobs, assisted, in many cases, by Muslim military and
police personnel. Foot and lorry convoys were held up and the
travellers subjected to ruthless and inhuman barbarities. An
analysi-s of the evidence recorded shows that, in all, seventy-three
different villages and towns were attacked and there were ninety
distinct major incidents. In addition, on thirty-nine dilferent
occasions, foot convoys on lorries were attacked. The total loss
of life was considerable and the value of properly, looted or
destroyed, ran into several crores of rupees.

The first major incident in the district was a mass attack on
Tandlianwala, an important grain market and a police station.
1’hcre was a large concentration of non-Muslims in Tandlianwala,
drawn from the local residents and from the neighbouring villages.
On August 26, a huge Muslim mob attacked the Sikh Gurdwara
lying on the outskirts of the town. The Gurdw'ara was burnt and
razed to the ground. In it perished jjiany Sikhs who had taken
shelter there. Two days later, a larger mob attacked the town,
in the afternoon. A large house in Ward No. 6 was burnt down.
A gale erected in front of Ward No. 4 was stoned and demolished
It is estimated that over two thousand persons were kdled during
the course of this attack and many young girls were kidnapped.
A small batch of Hindu troops under the command of a
Sikh (>lficer arrived at midnight and tued to drive away the
raiders. The troops were attacked' and the Sikh officer lost his
life. The next morning the surviving non-Muslims were escorted
to Lyallpur.

The Punjab

167

Jaranwala was attacked on September 8, by a large Muslim
mob accompanied by Muslim police and military who fired on
the non-Muslims during the course of the assault. The attack
continued through the night and large numbers of non-Muslims
were done to death. 1’hcir property was looted and many of their
girls were carried away in trucks. A witness saw pools of blood
and dead bodies lying in the streets. The next morning, the Mus¬
lims announced that Sikhs would not be allowed to live in
Jaranwala. On hearing this, many Sikhs had their beards cut as
they believed ihal a Hindu appearance w'ould ensure their safety.
Large numbers of them took shelter in the Gurdwara, and the
building was stoned several times. On September 12, the non-
Muslims formed a caravan and left the town. They were searched
and looted of their valuables. The caravan was attacked and
many persons lost their lives. In this attack the Baluch military
escort is alleged to have taken a prominent part. A refugee camp
had been set up at Jaranwala and conditions in this camp were
extremely distressing. J he water taps w'cre closed and the refuse
of the town was throwm near it. Provisions were scarce and
unobtainable and an epidemic of cholera which broke out in
the camp took a toll of several iive.s.

The Hindu military, stationed at Kanialia to protect the non-
Muslims. was replaced, on .September 1, by Muslim troops.
Nawab Saadat Ali Khan and a number of other Muslim
Zemindars of the iiaqa made very gallant efforts to protect the
Hindu and Sikh residents and olfercd their assistance. The town
was attacked on September 6 by a huge Muslim mob. It is said
that ammunition was given to this mob by some Muslim soldiers
who arrived in Kamalia by a refugee train. The mob invaded
the whole town, attacked the Khalsa High School, the Gurdwara
Prem Sati, Arya Putri Pathshala and the house of Bahadur Chand
Zemindar where non-Muslims had collected. In the course of a
determined attack, made by the Muslims, large numbers of
Hindus and Sikhs perished. Many young women were kidnapped.
On .September 7, a Hindu Army officer arrived with two military
truck.s to evacuate members of his family. He had an aimed
escort with him and the non-Muslims of Kamalia begged him to
stay and lead them to a place of safety. The officer had a small
military escort which w'as quite inadequate to protect a convoy
of several thousands. He. therefore, left. Deprived of this avenue
of escape the non-Muslims despaired of .surviving the bitter
attack. The next day, however, Nawab Saadat Ali Khan appealed

168

Stern Reckoning

M***!-™- It IS said that he went to them
rn hands and his turban round his neck and asked them

o spare the non-Muslims. The fury of the mob had abated and
^ 1 - continuing their brutal attack. The non-

Muslims were, a few days later, evacuated in military trucks and
refugee trams.

Gojra was attacked on September 9 by a Muslim mob
assisted by Muslim soldiers. About a hundred Sikhs who had
taken shelter in the local Gurdwara were murdered. The non-
Muslim shops, houses and factories were pillaged. The non-
Muslims of loba Tek Singh were disarmed on September 4, and
the ne.xl day a Muslim mob attacked the town. The gates of the
Gurdwara, where a number of Sikhs had taken shelter, were broken
dow'n. Some Sikh residents escaped by wearing women’s clothes
and removing their beards. The town was subjected to wholesale
looting. The inmates of the local refugee camp had to pav large
sums of money to the Muslim military in charge. Despite this,
neither their life nor the honour of their womenfolk could be
assured. On September 6. a foot caravan which started from the
town was attacked by a Muslim mob and the Baluch military
escort. A non-Muslim refugee train which arrived at Toba "I'ck
wSingh was attacked and over a thousand passengers were mur¬
dered. Many young women were kidnapped. The Sikh Assistant
Station Master of Bhalike and his tather-in-law were murdered
at the railway station. A young woman of his family was carried

away.

Arauti witnessed a most horrible holocaust in which a laree
number of non-Muslims lost their lives. Syed Nasir Ali Shah,
an e\-Unionist member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly who
had joined the Muslim League in June, took a prominent part in
this incident. A large number of non-Mu.slims from the neigh¬
bouring villages, within a radius of sk or seven miles, had congre¬
gated at Arauti and Syed Nasir Ali Shah, at first, assured them
that they would not be molested. He advised them not to go to
the refugee camp and, when conditions in the ncighbouiJiood
began to deteriorate, he told them to accept Islam if they valued
their lives. On September 12, a large number of Muslims from
the adjoining villages gathered in Arauti and made an attack on
(he non-Muslims in the afternoon. Large numbers of them were
killed and the killing continued through the night. The next
hiorning several fires were lit and the dead bodies were burnt.
Even the wounded who were alive weie not spared and many of

The Punjab

169

them were burnt alive. Some non^Muslims had .sought shelter
in the houses of local Muslims. These were combed out and put
to death. Many young girls attempted suicide by jumping into
wells. Some of them were rescued and carried away. The entire
non-Muslim property was then pooled and divided among the
rioters. It is said that Syed Nasir Ali Shah received a large share
of this loot. In a neighbouring village, Sandilianwali, about six
hundred non-Muslims had sought shelter. Syedani Anwar Bibi
and her son who wielded a great deal of influence in the village
refused to permit an attack on these refugees and, be it said to
their credit, they called their followers and escorted the non-
Muslims to the refugee camp at Mian Channu safely. Samundn
and Khihala Kalan were subjected to severe attacks and large
numbers of non-Muslims lost their lives in these villages. In
Samundri the dead bodies were carried away in trucks to destroy
the evidence of the horrible crime.

At Lyallpur conditions remained comparatively peaceful until
the end of September. The Deputy Commissioner strained every
nerve to avert an attack on the non-Muslims, of whom a large
number had collected in the town. On September 3. while he
was holding a meeting of the Magistrates, the dead body of a
Sikh was brought in. I’his spread panic in the town and there
were a few stabbing cases. A cotton ginning factory was looted
by the Muslim employees. The West Punjab Government were
anxious to drive out all non-Muslims and more particularly the
Sikhs. On September 5 the Governor, Sir Francis Mudic, had
written to Mr. Jinnah: “ I am telling everyone that I do not care
how the Sikhs get across the border: the great thing is to get rid
of them as soon as possible. There is still little sign of the three
lakh Sikhs in Lyallpur moving, but in the end they too will have
to go.”* On September 6, Sir Francis Mudie came to Lyallpur
and told the Deputy Commissioner that all Sikhs should be moved
to the refugee camp as a preliminary step to their being evacuated
to India. This direction appears to have giyen a lead to the local
Muslims and tension in the town incrcas'*.d. The first major inci¬
dent occurred on the morning of October L A large non-Muslim
foot convoy from Sargodha was passing through Lyallpur and.
when a part of it had crossed the railway level crossing, near
Tarkabad, the gates of the crossing were closed. A mob of
armed Muslims then fell upon the portion of the convoy left

* See Notes to Chapiei III in Apnendix I

170

Stem Reckoning

behind and began a ruthless massacre. Pandemonium broke out.
Screaming women and children began to run hither and thither
and the Baluch military escort opened fire upon them. The
property loaded in bullock-carts was looted and, as the assault
continued through the day the ground was strewn with dead
bodies. The Deputy Commissioner recalled the Baluch military
in charge of the convoy and deputed a police guard in its place.
Soon afterwards a contingent of Gurkha military arrived and led
the convoy to safety. The same night an attack was made on the
refugee camp in Khalsa College where many of the non-Muslims
who had survived the assault on the foot convoy had taken
shelter. 7'he Muslim military in charge of the camp took part
in the killing and looting. A large number of non-Muslims lost
their lives and many young girls were carried away. Men and
women were searched for valuables on their persons. The next
night the Arya School Refugee Camp was attacked in a similar
manner. The Baluch soldiers in charge of this camp had been
molesting the inmates for many days. They had frequently
searched them for cash and valuables. They used to carry away
women at night and rape them. The attack on the night of
October 2, however, resulted in a veritable holocaust. The camp
w'as attacked from several sides simultaneously and the Muslim
military opened fire on the inmates. All the property in the camp
was looted. It is impossible to make an exact estimate of the
loss of life occasioned as it is said that large numbers of dead
bodies w'erc carried away in military trucks during the night and
thrown in the river Chenab. When the Deputy Commissioner
arrived in the morning he found a hundred and fif.y dead bodies
still lying in the camp. The general opinion, however, is that
more than two thousand persons in the camp were killed. The
Deputy Commissioner replaced the Baluch military by a police
guard. This attack was carefully planned and the Agent of the
Imperial Bank heard his police guard talking boastfudy, in the
morning, that the school camp would be attacked in the evening.
He did not. however, attach any importance to this talk, otherwise
the tragedy might possibly have been averted.

A canal bridge at Saloonijhal in Tehsil Samundri was the
scene of persistent attacks on non-Muslim convoys passing over
it. Scarcely a single foot convoy was allowed to pass without
serious mishap. On September 11, a convoy from Samundri was
attacked and sixty persons were killed. The next day a convoy
from Kamalia was similarly set upon and nine persons were killed.

The Punjab

171

Foot caravans from Toba Tek Singh. Chak No. 44. Chak No. 46.
Chak No. 531, Chak No. 91, a caravan from Jodha Nagari.
another one from Chak No. 293/J.B., a convoy of lorries from
Chak No. 203/G.B. and another convoy from Chak No. 360 were
attacked at different times. In every case the refugees were looted
and their girls were carried away.

The residents of village Tiba Dhak Salha were told on August
23, that their safety lay in departure. The local Zaildar offered to
help them in going away to a place of safety. The non-Muslims
accordingly collected their more precious belongings and left the
village, in a procession, on August 24. They passed Tandlianwala
and crossed the river Ravi by boat, intending to go to Okara.
Across the river some Muslims met them and told them to return
to their village as it was unsafe to go further. The refugees spent
the night on the bank of the river. The next morning the Sub-
Inspector and the Zaildar, however, assured them “that it was
inadvisable to return and the more prudent course lay in
proceeding on their journey. They gave them an escort of Muslim
villagers. Near village Burj Jiwa Khan some Muslim soldiers
opened fire on the convoy. The non-Muslims ran back towards
the river. The soldiers were joined by a large Muslim mob,
armed with deadly weapons, and an attack was launched on the
refugees. The stragglers were cut down or shot. Those who
reached the riverside safely spent the night in anxious dread, as
no boats were available. The next morning the sound of drums
w'as heard and, soon after, the Muslims opened a fresh assault.
Many jumped into the river and were drowned. One woman
st.fappcd her three children to her waist and entered the river; the
two younger children were drowned. Almost the entire convoy
was decimated within a few hours. The Muslims carried away
many young girls and the property of the caravan. One young
girl was taken by the rufFians to village Burj Jiwa Khan. On the
way she saw dead bodies lying evcryw'hcre in the fields, on the
roads and in the canal minors. She was kept at Burj Jiwa Khan
for four days in the house of a Muslim, At night she succeeded
in escaping but was overtaken and beaten. She jumped into a
canal minor and her pursuers, believing her to be drowned, went
away. She says. “I swam for a mile or so and then, getting out.
w'cnt to a village near the canal bank. An old Muslim took pity
on me and bandaged my bleeding wounds. The next day he asked
me to leave the village. Eleven days later I found myself in my
own village, Tiba Dhak Salha. I cannot explain how God helped

172

Sfern Reckoning

me to reach my village." A few other survivors also reached their
native village in this manner and were finally evacuated to India.* .

A convoy of three trucks carrying passengers from Lyallpur
on August 25 was stopped near Sharakpur and attacked. TTie
passengers were made to pay a heavy ransom for ll eir safety, and
were then allowed to proceed on their way. Another truck which
left Lyallpur on September 27, with twenty-five passengers, was
also stopped near Sharakpur. The Muslim driver picked up two
Pathan passengers and then drove on. A little further, he left the
road which had been breached by recent floods and drove the
truck through some fields. A mob of armed Muslims attacked the
truck and killed some of the passengers. All the property in the
truck was looted and some of the girls were taken away to
Sharakpur. They were kept in a house where a number of
kidnapped women were already present. Some of the women were
later re.scucd and escorted to India. A convoy of four lorries
proceeding to Lahore on October 24, was attacked and looted in
a similar manner. The truck containing women was .subjected to a
thorough search and some of the women were stripped naked to
see if they had any valuables on their persons. Some young girls
were raped by the roadside. The passengers were then asked to
get down and the trucks were driven back to Lyallpur. The next
morning a military truck containing some Gurkhas arrived and
escorted them to Lahore.

Shall pur District

Shahpur is another colony district though the colonists are
drawn not from Central Punjab but from the north-western
districts and are, for the most part. Muslim. The non-Mu.sIim
populatjon of the district was not more than 15 per cent. There
was a spiinkling of Sikh villages^but the majority of the
non-Muslims were concentrated in the towns and the depots for
agricultural produce. Sargodha, Bhera, Khushab, Loon Miani and
Bhaironwal were places in which many well-to-do and even
wealthy ncm-Muslims resided. The March riots affected only a
few villages in the Shahpur District and were soon suppressed.
In Sargodha, the headquarters of the district, there was peace
almost throughout. There was however, considerable tension
owing to the happenings in the neighbourhood. A peculiar feature

* Foot convoys were attacked near Roshanwala, Khu Burj, Chak No. 27. Tandlianwala.
Row Korn Bunaalow Rodo Koro and other places.

The Punjab

173

of the district was that forcible conversions took place on a very
large scale in the rural areas. The Hindus found themselves
greatly outnumbered and. when given the offer of conversion to
Islam as the price of safety, had no other choice but to submit.
In some villages they were able to live in peace after their decision
but, when they were evacuated to India under military escort, they
had to leave behind all their belongings. Another feature of the
district was that in Sargodha a number of false cases were brought
against rich and prominent non-Muslims alleging that they owed
money to Muslims. Warrants were issued for their arrest and, in
some cases, the victims were taken into custody. They could only
leave Sargodha on payment of heavy ransoms. Ornaments pawned
with non-Muslim sahukars were returned without the debts being
discharged. In many villages the non-Muslims were not attacked
and were told to quit and make room for the Muslims. They were
not allowed to take any property with them. Tn some of the
western villages Pathans looted non-Muslim property. Camps
were set up near Sargodha and Phulerwan and the conditions in
those camps were far from satisfactory. Foodstuffs were not
available and at Phulerwan the general complaint was that owing
to curfew orders non-Muslims could not even go out to ease
themselves although Muslims moved about freely. Except in a
few places the killing of non-Muslims was not on a large scale,
and the loss of life was not so heavy as in some other districts.
The loss of property, however, was considerable.

In Bhaironwal, a Muslim mob attacked the village towards
the end of August. The non-Muslims abandoned their houses and
shops and took shelter in a Gurdwara. The shops and houses
were looted and a mass massacre of the non-Muslims in the
Gurdwara followed. The survivors were forcibly converted to
Islam and were made to eat beef. The dead bodies were thrown
in the river Chenab near by. Mitha Tiwana was attacked on
August 19. and the attack continued for four days. The Batra
family, who owned several thousand acres of land and possessed
eight licensed guns, defended their mohalla by mounting guard
on the roof of their house. They were, however, deprived of their
guns, taken into custody and charged with the offence of attempted
murder. This was due to the fact that shots fired by them in
self-defence had injured two men. In Khushab there was some
trouble in the month of March and the Mahant of the Bairagi
shrine was murdered. Tn August the non-Muslim shops were

174

Stern Reckoning

looted and many of them were ejected from their houses. Eight
non-Muslims left Bhalwal on August 17, with the intention of
going to Sargodha. They were attacked and murdered at the
railway station by Muslim League National Guards. The residents
of Khwaja Ahmad were converted to Islam and robbed of their
belongings. They were taken to the Jumraa Mosque in Sargodha
from where they were rescued by the Gurkha military. In Mandi
Warchlian a number of non-Muslims refused conversion. They
were promptly murdered. Their dead bodies were then taken to a
Hindu temple and burnt. About sixty residents of Raipur left
their village with their valuables but they were stopped on the way
by the police who searched them and deprived them of their
valuables. 1 hey proceeded further and were persuaded to return
home by two local Muslim Zemindars who gave them assurances
of safety. On the way back they were attacked by a Muslim mob
who killed several of them and abducted a number of young girls.
Thic reddenls of Chak Ramdas were saved by the timely arrival
of a F(uropean military olHcer when a Muslim mob was preparing
to attack them. 1 he massacic of Loon Miani and the cxents of
Rhesa can best be described in the words tif tv'o witnesses, extracts
from whose slatenienls arc given below. These statements were
cho.sen because the deponents arc simple unsophisticated persons
who have given a fair and unadorned account of what occurred
and have not hesitated to mention facts in favour of the Musli-m
ollicials.

Statement of 1-akhmi Pas, a labourer, of Loon Miani;

“Malakwal, a town near my towm, was reported to have been
attacked in the beginning of September and we were feeling
nervous. The Sub-Inspector of Police, who was a Mohammedan
and had come recently from Khushab or Nowshcra, assured us
that as long as he w'as there wc woulG suffer no danger or loss.
He had taken the place of a SJkh Sub-Tnspeclor of Police. We.
the non-Muslims of Miani. felt satisfied by the as‘>uranccs given
by the Muslim Sub-lnspcctor. There were three attempts on
Miani by Muslim gi)on(las of adjoining villages in the firsl week
of September LM?, but the Sub-Inspector beat off these attacks
and arrested some of the got^mlas- of the assaulting party. The
^rrested persons were made to sit the whole day at the police
station and then released in the evening. The non-Muslims of
Miani thought that the Sub-Inspector was a strong man and would
rca'iy safeguard their interests and protect them. On September 9,

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175

however, drums continued beating the whole night. We felt
afraid but the Sub-Inspector told us that there was nothing to
fear; the military had arrived and he had police arrangements
also and so no harm would come to us. He had also told
previously that he was arranging for our evacuation.

“ On one side we were hearing drums being beaten and were
feeling nervous. On the other hand, there was an assurance by
the Sub-Inspector and by the local Muslims who had behaved
well so far. Nothing happened that night but on September 10,
at about 12 noon, there w'as a sudden attack on Miani. f irst, we
heard shots being fired and wc thought that the military were
firing at the mob. But, after a little time, wc were astonished to
find that the mob of Muslim iioonclas and daeoits, armed with all
sorts of weapons, aided by the police constables, a head constable
and an Assistant vSub-Inspeclor of Police who had a cut on his
upper lip. and Baluch military, liad attacked and were sliooting
the Hindus indiscriminately. The head constable and the Assistant
Suh-Inspeetor were proclaiming that even a suckling baby would
not Iv spared, 'fi e linng continued till 4 p.in. and ihc rion-Mus ims
wc.c threatened with death if they did not give up their cash and
vahiabics, but, vvlien they handed o\er their valuables, they were
mciciiessly beaten, assaulted and murdered. Some babies were
■even cut into pieces. People were thrown from the house-tops
like balls. 'V'oung girls were abducted. Their nunibcr was about
sixty. My daughtcr-in-law was killed. A granddaughter of mine
was al.so killed. I and my son Krishan Lai were seriously injured
and left as dead. In my vicinity about two hundred persons lay
dead or injured. In all about nine hundred persons died and four
liundrcd were wounded. Some of the mob were killing and
inflicting injuries, some were looting and some were engaged in
breaking open locks and doors. When I saw that the daeoits had
left, I got up and cried for water. Someone replied that he was
coming and shortly afterwards the head constable. Oureshi, and
a constable, accompanied by some military men, came and told
us that the survivors should come out and that we would be
taken to the camp in the house of Jawala Sahai Chadda. We
went there and water was supplied to us by one of the constables.
Later Oureshi head constable told us that curfew had been
relaxed and that we could go home and bring our belongings and
luggage. T b-mught a bedding first and left it in the camp. Then
I went again and brought a small trunk and a small bedding

176

Stern Reckoning

containing some children’s clothes and a quilt. This latter load
was snatched away by the said Qureshi on the way.

“The Sub-Inspector was not seen the whole day. The
Assistant Sub-Inspector asked the able-bodied among us to
remove the corpses and we accordingly collected about four
hundred bv the evening and burnt them. Meanwhile Hindu
military accompanied by some Muslim soldiers reached the camp
and gave first aid to the injured. The remaining five hundred
bodies were collected the next morning and burnt with wood
and kerosene oil. Wc were then transferred to Phulerwan Hospital
and from there 1, my son and about a hundred others were trans¬
ferred to the Sargodha Hospital. From Sargodha we have come
to the Amritsar Refugee Camp.”

The second statement was given by Shrimati Ram Piari. a re.si-
dent of Bhera:

“On August 20, 1947, a Muslim mob armed with chhavis,
kulharis, etc., numbering about four or five hundred, entered
our street. With the mob were members of the National Guards
and the local police. They openly and loudly said that we should
vacate the houses and run away; otherwise we would be killed,
and that everything lying in our houses belonged to Pakistan.
Eight persons in Bhandawali Galli were killed and four or five
others were wounded. The Muslims tried to break open our
doors and when they ctmid not do so they abused us. They said
that they would kidnap our young girls and marry them to
Muslims. The sweepers were forbidden to clean our streets
and remove the night-soil from our houses. On August 22. we
left our houses and reached the railway station. We had to
leave all our luggage at home. There was no train that day and
on August 24, we again went to the railw^ay station. The lorry-
driver, who was a Muslim, charged uS^five rupees per passenger
upto the railway station. The National Guards and the police
charged us four rupees each railway fare for Mandi Baha-ud-Din,
although the real fare is only ten annas. Only some of us could
go on the 24th and the re.st. including myself, went on the 25th.
During the night the Sikh officer and his non-Muslim subordi¬
nates, who formed our escort, undertook to protect us. They
remained awake the whole night. On the way the train was
stopped as the trunk of a huge tree lay across the line. A Muslim
mob attacked us with guns, hatchets etc., shouting “ Allah-o-
Akhar” The non-Muslim escort defended us and killed many

The Punjab

177

Muslims. The train reached Mandi Baha-ud-Din at 1-30 p.m.
It was very hot and we asked for water. There was none avail¬
able as the water taps at the station had been closed. Even our
babies were not given water and the Muslims said that they were
ready to supply us with their urine. A child in our compart
ment died of thirst. We were taken to a camp one and a half
miles from the railway station and here, too, we found that the
water taps had been removed. We arranged to get water from the
wells by letting down vessels tied to bed-sheets strung together.
In the camp the rations were not free and we could only buy three
chhattaks every other day. The non-Muslims in Mandi Baha-ud-
Din sometimes sold us atta at four seers per rupee but the police
removed these non-Muslims and brought them to the camp.
Their stocks were left behind and taken possession of by the
Mu.slims. Cholera spread and. as the result of it, many non-
Muslim.s died. As the Muslim National Guards, the local police
and the Muslim military had taken possession of all the fuel
wood in the Mandi, the non-Muslims in the camp used to light
fire for cremating the dead bodies by chopping up their boxes.
This, ‘however, was not enough and, frequently, dead bodies
remained uncremated. On September 27 and 28, thirty-two
trucks sent by the Indian Union arrived but the Muslim military
permitted only those persons to go in the trucks who paid heavy
bribes. 1 was allowed to sit in a (ruck at the request of a
vSubedar.

“On September 10, sixty non-Muslims died after taking milk.
It was said that the milk was poisoned.”

Jhanfi District

Mass ma.ssacres of Hindus and Sikhs and wholesale plunder
of non-Muslim property in the towns of Jhang-Magiana, Masan,
Shorkot and Chiniot were the salient features of the events in
Jhang District. Similar tragedies on a sma ler scale, though not
less gruesome in their intensity or in the suffering occasioned to
the individual victims, took place in almost all the villages in the
rural areas. A study of all the availabe evidence, consisting of
the statements of hundreds of refugees from the district, leaves
no doubt whatever that these results were achieved by the
vitriolic utterances of Pir Mubarak Ali Shah, the local Muslim
League member of the Provincial Legislative Assembly, and the
assistance given to him and to his goonda followers by Mr.
Ziaffar-ul-Haq Khan, District Magistrate. Mr. Mohammad Akbar,

178 Stern Reckoning

Additional District Magistrate and Mr. Hasnat Ahmad. City
Magistrate.

In the month of March the post of the Deputy Commissioner
was held by a Sikh olficer and the peace of the district remained
undisturbed. The Superintendent of Police was a British officer
and his attitude towards the minorities was sympathetic and pro¬
tective. In August Mr. Zaffar-ul-Haq Khan assumed charge as
District Magistrate and Mr. Hasnat Ahmad was appointed City
Magistrate. Signs of unrest were observed soon after August 15.
and Muslims took out processions through the streets of Jhang
in defiance of prohibitory orders under section 144, Criminal Pro¬
cedure Cotie. fhe processionists openly asked the Hindus to
leave the town. When an appeal was made to Mr. Hasnat Ahmad
he merely retorted that his own house in Amritsar had been burnt
by the Sikhs, and he made no .secret of his resentment against
tlic non-Muslims. His altitude could not but encourage the
gangstj: element in the tovsn. Fir Mubarak Ali Shah went to
karaclu in tl'c middle <if August to attend a conferciicc of the
Muslim l.cague. He relumed to Jhang on the 21.sl. and soon
afterwards Mushm hostility became more open and more intense.
On August 24. Mr. Ryan. Ll:c Superintendent of Police, went to
Lahore to consult the Deputy Inspector-General of Police, It was
said that his departure fron tlic district was due to a cunning
move on the part of the District Magistrate and Pir Mubarak Ali
Shah W'i'o wanted to have him out of ti e way in order to carry
out their plans suecessiullv. The events which fidlo'Aed support
this hypothesis. On the morning of August 25. t'-ouble began in
the eitv of Jhang-Maghiana. Two persons were slabbed near the
Canal Olficc and one in front of tlic Sessions House. The news
of these assauils spread through the town like wild-fire and. while
the non-Muslims took shelter in their houses, the Muslim hooli¬
gans became openly rowdy and raiT about, assaulting unwary
non-Muslims and setting fire to their houses and shops. By the
afternoon the whole of the town was affected and large fires were
seen b a/ing in difTcrcnl quarters. The wife of the Hindu Station
Ma^tc' came to the city with her clothes soaked in blood and cry-
int that her husband and son had been brutally stabbed at the
rad way station, fhe following night was comparatively quiet
but, on the morning of August 26, ulier lawlcs.snoss broke out.
and t^e Muslim mobs began to attack Hindus and Sikhs with
redoubled fury, dhe military and the police patrolled the city in
a leisurely fashion as if nothing serious were happening and

The Punjab

179

looked on calmly while murder and arson were committed under
their very eyes. In some cases they even gave open support to
the hooligans by shooting at the Hindus and looting their pro¬
perty. Some soldiers handed over their guns to the Muslim
marauders. Pir Mubarak Ali Shah was seen firing from a .303
rifle and leading the mobs. Houses and shops in Sultanwala,
Budhewala. Hasnana, Dhupsari and Railway Bazaar were looted.
Dozens of houses were burnt and destroyed. This state of affairs
continued throughout the day on the 26th and the following night.
It is estimated that nearly two thousand non-Muslims perished in
this brutal attack ; about four hundred girls were carried away
and some who were later recovered were found to have been
raped in a most horrible and inhuman manner. On the morning
of August 27, when the fury of the marauders had abated some-
wliat. the non-Muslims came out of their houses and, taking their
cash and valuables, formed a procession with the intention of
going lo the bungalow of the District Magistrate and appealing to
hi n fin' h.elp. On the way tliey were stopped by a military and
police picket who ordered them to leave their property behind.
Complaints made to the Additional District Magistrate and the
City Magistrate were of no avail. The processionists were forced
lo comply with the orders of the police and continued their
journey without their belongings. 1’hc District Magistrate told
the.n to go to a refugee camp which had been set up in the school
premises.

'I'hc District Magistrate had, on August 25. pas.sed two
orders. One of these prohibited the departure of any lorry with¬
out the specific permission of the District Magistrate and the
otlter placed a ban on the rcmiwal of all properly. A copy of
this latter order was sent to the President, Town Committee.
Lalian, and this copy was brought out by one of the refugees.
Its text is given below: —

“ORDER

I, Zaffar-ul-Haq Khan, District Magistrate, .Thang, do hereby
order that none leaving the Jhang District, shall export any
goods of any description whatsoever, except the necessary
wearing apparel, and the bedding enjoined by weather.

Any contravention of this order is a penal offence under the
Public Safety Act.

180

Stem Reckoning

T. O. Jhang will please contact the Police and make necessaiy
arrangements that the contents of this order are faithfully
carried out.

25t'i August. 1947.

(Sd.) Zaffar-ul-Haq Khan.

District Magistrate, Jhang.

District Magistrate's Office, Jhang.

No. 6012 dated 25-8-1947.

Copy foi-warded to the President. Town Committee, Lalian.
for wide publicity by beat of drum.

(Sd.)

For District Magistrate. Jhang.

This order was strictly enforced throughout the district and its
terms were invoked to deprive the residents of Maghiana of all
their valuable before they left the district. Some of their property
was taken away even before they arrived in the refugee camp.

Conditions in the refugee camp can best be described by quot¬
ing the words of a local medical practitioner who lived in the camp.

“ In the refugee camp I was placed in charge of the sick and
the injured by the leaders of refugees. I had no medicines or
instruments with me to perform operations and to dress the wounds
of the injured. We wrote to the authorities to let us have medicines
and surgical instruments from our own clinics but the Government
took no action. Therefore, without the help of any instruments,
we had to perform major operations with second-hand shaving
blades which also were available with considerable difficulty. We
were lucky to get some boric acid and a very small quantity of
potassium permanganate from some shops in the Mandi and we were
compe led to use ordinary oil which unsterilized and unmedi¬
cated for dressing wounds.

“In place of gauze we used rags from tailors’ shops. There
were no bandages and we had to leave the wounds uncovered.
Colton, loo. was not available. Most of the injured had bullet
wounds and we had to cut their flesh with blades and extract the
bullets with our fingers. Some of the bullets were very big in size
and were fired from .303 rifles. I took out bullets from the bodies
of over a hundred persons. A large number of the injured had
grievous wounds inflicted by s'pears and other sharp-edged
weapons, and almost all injured persons had multiple injuries on

The Purtfab

181

their bodies. I came acro.ss the case of a go.dsmith’s wife
belonging to village Sagla, at that time residing in Mohalla Sultan-
wala, who said that her infant daughter of about six months was
rent into pieces by her thighs being pulled apart, and her son was
stabbed to death by Wali Mohammad, Municipal Commissioner
of Jhang.

“ Apart from the injured from Jhang-Maghiana town, over
five hundred persons, seriously wounded, w'ere brought to the
refugee camp from adjoining villages. One of the cases that 1
treated was of a woman from village Chund Bharwana who was the
wife of a railway porter.' One of her hands was chopped off above
the wrist and then she was thrown into the fire as the result
of which her lower portion got burnt. But she escaped from
there and was then thrown into a well with her two daughters
and one son. She was taken out of the well later on and brought
to the refugee camp. Her children died in the well but one of
her daughters survived and she had a deep cut from the temple
to the check cutting the bone also. Her eldest daughter aged 18
had been abducted earlier. . . .

“ The chief types of injuries inflicted on the wounded were
(1) amputation of limbs, hands and forearms. (2) skull and temple
injuries, (3) stab wounds penetrating the abdomen and chest, (4)
bullet and gunshot wounds, (5) amputation of breasts of women
(six such cases of chopped off breasts were brought to the refugee
camp and all of them proved fatal), (6) circumcision wounds
performed on the male organs of many young men and old men,
(7) cut throat cases and (8> burns. . . .

“ In the refugee camp at Jhang, due to insanitary conditions,
and, due to total lack of any facilities for sanitation on behalf of
the authorities and lack of proper diet, many diseases sprang up
amongst the refugees and it became a gigantic problem for us
doctors. Besides this, one of our big problems was the handling
of maternity cases. On an average six to seven births were daily
taking place in our camp. Quite a large number of deliveries was
premature, due to the panic and excitement and the discomforts
to which the mothers were not accustomed. There was no place
to confine these unfortunate women and deliveries had to take
place in the open and in the presence of men and women. We did
not even have the elementary things for use on such occasions and
our requests to the authorities to supply them were turned down.
They had no clothes to change and no soap to wash and clean the

182

Stern Reckoning

clothes they were wearing, at the time of delivery. A very poignant
case was that of a women who was forced to walk three miles from
Jhang city to the Mandi along with other refugees. She had
hardly covered one mile when she gave birth to a child by the
roadside. Many maternity cases became septic.”

Food and water in the refugee camps were scarce. Fortunately
the residents of Lyallpur came to the rescue of the refugees in the
Jhang Camp and began to send them a lorry-load of chappattis
and other foodstuffs every day. There were no latrines in the
refugee camp. The inmates had to defecate in buckets and then
carry the buckets out themselves.

Dhupsari and Hasnana are two suburbs of Jhang-Maghiana
and there, too, disturbances broke out on August 25. The residents
of Dhupsari saw the city of Maghiana ablaze on the evening of
August 25, and collected in the house of one Panju Ram. A
Muslim mob attacked the suburb and many houses w^cre set on
fire. Sixty persons are said to have lost their lives in the course
of this assault and thirty young girls were kidnapped. In Hasnana
the entire inmates of one house were butchered and the City
Magistrate was shown a heap of thirty corpses lying in the house.
Some residents took shelter in the hou.se of Amir Lanibardar who
had promised to protect the non-Muslims. This house was attacked
by a Muslim mob and the owner was compelled to ask his neigh¬
bours to leave the house. Almost all of them were murdered by
the Muslims.

Jhang City, which is situated at a distance of a mile and
a half from Jhang-Maghiana, did not suffer to the same extent.
The total loss of life in the city is said to have been not more than
thirty or forty. The entire property of the non-Muslims was,
however, looted after they had left for the refugee camp. The
property of the residents of Mohalli^GuIabwala was carried aw'ay
on trucks, camels and donkeys.

At Shorkot the sound of drums was heard on the evening
of August 19, and a rumour was spread through the town that a
mob of Sikhs was preparing to attack the Muslims. This rumour
was wholly baseless and it transpired that the drum-beating was
mere y intended to collect the Muslims by way of a rehearsal of
the major attack which took place on August 26. On the morning
of that day it was found that all the Muslim houses were displaying
Muslim League flags to distinguish them from the non-Muslim
houses. In the course of the assault which took place during the

The Punjab

183

day one hundred and fifty non-Musliras lost their lives and two
hundred more were injured. Muslim military on arriving joined the
mob and shot at the non-Muslims. The town was then pillaged
by the Muslim police, military and Muslim National Guards
together with the Muslim mob. Masan. a village eight miles
from Jhang, was attacked on August 26. The vi.lage was sur¬
rounded on all sides by a Muslim mob and the Hindus took shelter
in a Gurdwara near the police station. I’hc Zaildar of the ilaqa
was a Hindu and he was done to death. Two of his
daughters were abducted. Scarcely a handful of the non-
Muslim population of the village escaped this brutal massacre.
On August 22, a large mob of Muslims assisted by members
of the National Guards, the police force and some Baluch
soldiers, surrounded Chiniot. A sadhu, sitting in his hut,

was murdered and his dead body was thrown into a well.
Two young boys were stabbed and thrown on a mound near by.
The next day Muslim National Guards were seen spraying kero
sene oil with stirrup-pumps on Hindu house^ and shops. The
houses were then .set on tire. The disturbances continued on the
following day. The Deputy Superintendent of Police, who wa.s
in Chiniot. when appealed to. demanded a sum of three thousand
rupce.s for stopping the massacre. The money was paid but the
police remained inactive. In the course of three days four
iiundrcd persons lost their lives in Chiniot. The survivors look
shelter in the premises of the local school. They loaded their
goods on some trucks but the trucks were driven away to the
police station and the property was shared among the police and
the Muslinj mob. Some of the residents had concealed their
valuables and they were asked to give details of their whereabouts.
The valuables were most probably removed by the police as the
owners were ne\er able to recover them. In the refugee camp no
fuel for cremating the dead was available and the doors, windows
and benches of the school were used to make up funeral pyres.
A Muslim mob attacked village Chela on ‘August 28. Some of
the non-Muslims found shelter in the house of a sympathetic
Muslim resident. His house was surrounded and he was
threatened with death unless he ejected all those who had come
under his protection. When the non-Muslims came out they were
attacked and forty of them were killed. Some young gdrls were
kidnapped. About one hundred and fifty non-Muslims w^ere
forcibly converted to Islam. These were subsequently evacuated
by Hindu military on wSeplember 4. An armed mob assisted by

184

Stern Reckoning

Muslim police and Muslim National Guards attacked Lalian on
the night between August 27 and August 28. The houses of non-
Muslims were looted for two days. A contingent of Hindu soldiers
arrived on the third day and remained stationed at Lalian -till
September 25 when they were replaced by a Muslim military
guard. On October 13, the non-Muslims were again attacked
when they were in a refugee camp and seven persons were killed.
Ten girls were kidnapped. The villages of Rajana, Ubhana and
Chak No. 232 were similarly attacked resulting in the loss of
several non-Muslim lives. In Chak No. 232. the non-Muslims
were converted to Islam and made to eat beef. They were then
set upon and several of them were done to death.

Multan District

The March riots had resulted in a decisive victory for the
Muslim League gangsters and. as August 15 approached, the
non-Muslim residents of the towns and villages in the district
began to get apprehensive of what lay in store for them in the
future State of Pakistan. Some of them began to leave their
native towns and habitations but difficulties of transport, risks of
train and road journeys and the desire to cling to one s property
to the last prevented a large-scale exodus. 1’he non-Muslims were
in a small minority in the district, and, in the rural areas parti¬
cularly, they found themselves isolated and at the mercy of their
Muslim neighbours. The advent of Pakistan took them at a
disadvantage if not unawares.

Looting and burning of villages commenced towards the end
of August and continued throughout the month of September. In
some of the oul.>ing villages the non-Muslims were compelled to
accept Islam as they realized that, unless they adopted this course,
they would be immediately done to death. In these viliages loss
of life was negligible and the converted persons were in due course
escorted to safety by the Military Evacuation Organization.* There
was, however, wholesale looting and the non-Muslims lost all their
property. During September, groups of non-Muslims travelling by
road were attacked in almost all parts of the district. There were
altogether no less than twenty-eight distinct attacks resulting in
considerable loss of life. There were five attacks on trains. The
recorded evidence shows a hundred and five different attacks on

* Wholesale conversion took p.acc in the following villages : —Bandra. Baqraon. Bhaitt.
Batl Ooiser. Chak No 42. Chik No. 114. Mughjl-Oa-Baii, Chah Pipilwala. Chah Kalu
Mobtamwala. Chah Gaban Wah. Oera Mulla Fazal. Geblawala, Ghafoor. Haveli Lang.
Mauzabet Kaicb, Khaki Panjani, Khakhan Jalalpur. Khaki Paunta. Khanpur. Basti Mianl.
Nawabpur Basu Raiputan Ranewan anil BasU She) Khan.

The Pimjah

185

villages. In a large number of these there was considerable loss of
life and in every case looting and burning of non-Muslim property
were witnessed. The massacre of Rampur and .lalalpur Pirwala in
Tehsil Shujabad was perhaps one of the worst incidents in the
district.

Ill Multan a large crowd of about four thousand non-Muslims
went to the Cantonment Railway Station, intending to take an ca.st-
bound train. The authorities in charge of evacuation, however,
allowed only a few Government ollicials to enter the platform.
The rest of the crowd waited outside hopefully. In the meantime
a large mob of Muslims began to collect and, soon after the train
had left, the non-Muslims were attacked. Members of the Muslim
League National Guards took part in the attack. Fifteen non-
Muslims were killed and twenty-five injured. I'en young girls
were kidnapped. Fortunately a contingent of Mahraita military
arrived and .saved the .situation. Conditions in the city deteriorated
and utter lawlessness prevailed. Non-Muslims, venturing out of
their houses to visit a bank, or on their way to the railway station or
the aerodrome, were attacked and looted. Many persons lost
their lives in this manner. Groups of Muslim hooligans would
bring hand-carts or bullock-carts to the doors of Hindu and Sikh
houses and calmly remove all the property, whether the residents
were at home or not. The police did not choose to interfere.
Some non-Muslims tried to sell their furniture and other movables
for a pittance and, for .some days, radio .sets, bicycles and gramo¬
phones were .sold for a few rupees each. Then information was
sent to the city that the Hindus would be leaving their property
behind in any case and it was unwi.se and unnecessary for the Mus¬
lims to pay money for it. Hindu and Sikh officials were refused
their .salary for the month of August as the Accountant-General of
Wc.st Punjab had sent out instructions that no,, salary should be
paid to officials who were not expected to remain in Pakistan. The
Police officers were all disarmed and even the licenced weapons
privately owned by them were taken away. They were then turned
out of then barracks and their rations were stopped. It was with
the greatest difficulty that the Deputy .Superintendent of Police
allowed them to stay in the Gurdwara and the Police Lines. One
of the constables who was dark complexioned and, in appearance,
somewhat like a Muslim, grew a sluirt beard and wore a Jinnah
cap; and, thus disgui.sed, he went out to get rations for his
■colleagues, confined in the Gurdwara and the Police Lines. On
13

186

Stern Reckoning

September 17, a number of Muslim Police officials from East Pun¬
jab arrived in Multan and launched an attack on the Hindu and
Sikh Police officials. Many of them were injured and deprived of
Iheir belongings. The timely arrival of the Deputy Superintendent
of Po'ice prevented loss of life on this occasion, but a little later
two Sikhs were murdered and a Hindu Prosecuting Sub-Inspector
who rushed to their help was given a severe beating.

An Army officer pt^sted at Shujabad in the beginning of
August made a tour of the neighbouring villages. He described
what he saw' as follows:

“On September 3, 1947, I was proceeding to Chadhar and
Khojan and the surrounding villages on patrol duty with four
Sikh and one Dogra sepoys. We had one Bren gun, one tommy-
gun, one pistol and three .303 rifles, one box of hand-grenades and
one thousand .303 bullets. When we reached Chadhar, we saw a
big blaze of tire in the direction of Ranipur. 1 ordered the driver
to lake our jeep to that side. When we reached near Rampur
we saw' a very big Muslim mob of about six or seven thousand
persons armed with rifles and sharp-edged weapons w'ith an
Assistant Sub-Inspector of Police and many police constables all
armed. The village was burning. We look our stand at a distance
of about five hundred yards from the village and began firing on
the Muslim mob. The hooligans ran. .Some men in the mob tried
to surround us but persistent firing kept them at a distance. Many
men in the mob were killed. We saw heaps of dead bodies in
the village, some burnt, some half burnt, .some killed by shots
and some .stabbed to death. 'I’here was a .smell of flesh and blood
burning and we felt choked. In my estimate the number of dead
bodies might have been nearly two thousand. The non-Muslims
ot the neighbouring villages had come to Rampur, believing it to
be more safe, as the Hindu landlords of that place had licen.scd
arms with them. I .saw the Assistant Sub-Inspector of Police in
possession of the guns of the Hindus. I could find only eleven
persons alive in the village. They had concealed themselves in
strange places. Of them I found two women concealed between
the wall and the iron safe of their house.”

The Assistant Sub-Inspector of Karor Pucca visited village
Khaji Wala on the morning of August 25, and witnessed a horrible
spectacle. Over a hundred non-Muslim men, women and children
had been tied together and placed on a heap of burning straw. As
the flames killed them slowly they writhed and groaned in a most

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187

dreadful manner. In the neighbouring villages much murder
and looting had taken place. Every time non-Muslims went to
the Shujabad Railway Station to board a train, they were searched
and deprived of all their belongings. The first train left on August
25, and the search was carried out thoroughly and ruthlessly.
The passengers were not allowed to take anything with them. The
second train left on September 14. On this occasion the pas¬
sengers were allowed to take away a few clothes and one light
bedding each. The third train left on September 25, and on this
occasion the search was .somewhat relaxed. This train was attacked
at Pakpattan and thoroughly looted. On October 11. the non-
Muslims were ordered to leave their houses in Shujabad within
two hours and go to the refugee camp which consisted of a plot of
open ground flooded with water. After stime time the refugees were
removed to a number of houses on the outskirts of the town. They
were continuously haras.sed by the Ba.'uch military and there were
many reports of women having been taken away and raped by the
soldiers.

The Naib Tehsildar of Shujabad was a witness of the happen¬
ings in Khan Bela. His story is given in his own words:

“On September 3, new's was received in Shujabad that
Ghazipur, a village about seven miles from .lulalpur Pirwala, was
burnt down and pillaged by the Muslims on the previous night
and over a hundred persons had been murdered in cold blood.
Many of the residents were terrified into accepting Islam. Quite
a number of young women were abducted. On the afternoon of
September 3, some people of .lalalpur Pirwala informed me that
that village .stood in great danger of being burnt and looted. 1
thought it was no use going to the Tehsildar wdio was a Muslim
and was well known for his communal tendencies. I, therefore,
w'ent to the Ollicer C ommanding of the Military Unit stationed in
Shujabad. He needed a good deal of persuading to send some
of his men to Jalalpur Pirwala but finally agreed to do so. 1
accompanied the Officer Commanding.

“ We left Shujabad at about 9 p.m. in a jeep. On the way
wc met another jeep coming from Ghazipur and the Officer C^om-
manding directed this jeep also to follow us. We reached Jalalpur
Pirwala shortly after 10. The people were awake and shaking
with terror. We made a round of the town and told the people
to be on their guard. At the police station the Sub-Inspector
informed me that he had received a report about a huge mob

18S

Stem Reckoning

having gathered at Khan Bela in the evening. Khan Bela is
seven miles to the west of Jal-alpur Pirwala and had a population
of about 2,500 persons. I asked the Sub-Inspector if he would
accompany us there but he refused to do so. 1 was of the opinion
that we should go to Khan Bela. About two miles from Jalalpur
Pirwala the road was under water and our jeeps could not go across.
Wc left the jeeps with two soldiers to keep a watch on them and
went forward on fool. Wc could sec the holocaust from quite
a long distance and hear the report of gunfire. As we drew
near we could .see that the whole village was ablaze and wc could
hear the groans of the injured persons. Wc passed a lane which
was full of smoke. Brickbats began to be thrown at us from house¬
tops and suddenly someone began to tire at us. We withdrew and
went to another part of the village where we .saw people coming
out after committing loot, murder and arson. Most of them were
carrying looted property and some of them were dragging non-
Muslim women. We opened fire at them and most of them ran
away. Some fell dow'ii dead as the result of our firing. In an
hour’s time the village was almost clear of them. 1 .saw' that over
one hundred Hindus were lying dead jn the village and enquiries
showed that about fifty young w'omen had been kidnapped.”

The Oflicer Commanding went back to Jalalpur Pirwala and
saw that, in his ab.sence, the village had been subjected to a
brutal and determined attack by a huge Muslim mob. Over a
thousand persons had been butchered. Many residents committed
suicide. The whole v'illage was then ransacked. The Officer
Commanding, on seeing this wreckage, sent a wireless message to
Muiian, asking for more troops, but the reply received by him
was that he should not ex-pose his men to unnecessary risk. The
Zaildar of the ilaqa led out a number of non-Muslims, on the
following day, promising to escort ^hem to Shujabad. On the way
the caravan was attacked and most of the men were killed and the
young women abducted. Some men from Jalalpur Pirwala left
in two trucks after having bribed the Sub-Inspector of Police
heavily. The trucks were attacked on the way, and almost all the
male pas.scngers were killed. All the young girls were kidnapped.

Village Budhc was attacked towards the end of August and
almost the entire population was wiped out. In Chak No. 16/lOR
the non-Muslims tried to defend themselves and two of them, who
had licensed arms, returned the fire of Mu.slim raiders but the
villagers were heavily outnumbered and it is said that nearly

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189

a thousand of them were killed and many of their young girls-
were carried away. Mian Channu was attacked on August 20. A
foot caravan of non-Muslims from the neighbouring villages com¬
ing to Mian Channu was stopped and accused of planning to attack
the Muslims. The non-Muslims were deprived of their weapons
and their goods. A mob of Muslims then attacked these poor
refugees and killed many of them. A convoy of seventeen trucks
left Mian Channu on September 15. One of the trucks had engine
trouble on the way and had to stop. A Muslim mob suddenly
appeared from nowhere and attacked the passengers. Six girls
were carried away and the remaining non-Muslims were all
murdered. The Sikhs of village Belewala sought slicUcr in the
house of a local Muslim Pir. While they were on their way
some of their young girls were kidnapped. After they had entered
the house, the doors were sprayed with kciosene oil and set
ablaze. When the Sikhs ran out they were set ufKm'by their
Muslim neighbours and mercilessly butchered. Village Makh-
dumpur Pahoran. the camp at Talamba and the Hindu residents
in Hamand Cantal Rest House were attacked by Muslim mobs in
the end of August.

As an instance of the conditions of train travel in these days
we may quote from the statement of an Advocate of Multan who
left Mails! on October 7.

“ Our train (consisting of open rootless trucks) with about
three thousand and live hundred refugees started at not>n
from Mailsi under a Mahratta military escort headed by
wSubedar- . a very sympathetic and dutiful young military
officer, on October 7. After Kutubpur Station a mob consisting
of more than lifteen hundred armed Mu.slims came out from be¬
hind some sand-hills, fhe railway line was blocked with stones
and logs of wood. Our train, therefore, stopped. The mob tired
at the train. The Subedar and the members of the escort got down
from the train and returned the fire. Three or four persons from
among the mob were killed, w'hile many more were injured.
The Subedar brought back a rifle and a helmet which belonged
to the leader of the mob. The raiders then fled away and the
train started once again. T’he train stopped at Khanewal Junction
at sunset. There was no engine to continue the journey and we
spent the night at Khanewal. We were told at night that a Magis¬
trate had come and recorded the statements of the Subedar and
the engine driver. We left in the morning and reached Harappa

190

Stem Reckoning

at 9 a.m. but we were not allowed to proceed further as orders to
detain us had been issued by the District Magistrate of Multan or
Montgomery. At 5 p.m. the Commissioner. Multan, the Deputy
Commissioner, Montgomery, two big military otlicers, three or four
police officials and some sixty or seventy Muslim soldiers arrived.
I'lie Commissioner and otliers interrogated the Subedar at length
and he had to repeat his story several times. We learnt that the
leader of the mob who had been killed by our military escort was
a Siib-Di\isional Olliccr of Canals po.sied there and that he was
a \ery near relation of the Prime Minister of Pakistan. For this
rea^'On a'l the big local oHicers were afraid of his participation in
the assault be joining known in India. After the interrogation was
over, our train was taken back to Mian Channu and stopped at a
distance of halt a mile from the railway station. Next day, at
nomi, an armed mob of Muslims appeared. There was an exchange
of shc>ts between the mob and our military escort, d'he Muslim
.soidiers from Mian Channu novv appeared on the scene and
persuaded the rnob to go back. After .some time our Mahratia
Subedar was called aside by a Muslim military otlicer who came
from .Mian Channu. After this interview the Subedar came to us
and ti»kl us with tears in his eves that the position had become
senous and there was no other alternative for us but to leave the
tram within fifteen minutes and take with us only so much luggage
as we could carry on our heads, 'fhe confusion that followed
after hearing this sudden announcement can better be imagined
than de.scribed. We had to leave most of our luggage in the train.
I’he armed mob of Muslims again approached near iis. Vve were
placed in a garden covering two q'Ulas of land at a distance of one
and a lull miles from the train. It was within this small space that
we had 'o cremate some tw'ent> refugees who had died of starvation

.^s soon as we left the train the Muslim mob dis¬
persed and the train was taken possession of by the Muslim
military. Not a single article was removed by any member
of the mob. We came to know later that all our luggage from the
train was taken to the walkiiana and converted into Paki.stan Gov¬
ernment properly. We were kept almost locked up in that garden
for five days. No Pakistan official ever enquired whether we had
anything to eat and how we managed to subsist. They gave us no
provisions. St)mc of the local refugees shared their scanty pro-
vivsions with us.

The Punjab

191

“ On the sixth day we were taken back to the same goods train
which was now in charge of a Gurkha military escort. We finally
reached Attari on October 15.”

This is a case in which the refugees travelled in comparative
comfort and safely. There was only one attack and this was
repulsed successfully. I hc hardship that the passengers, however,
suffered entailed the loss of several lives on the way. There was
no food and many died r)f starvation. They had to remain for
many days in the open, by day and by night, and exposure took a
toll of nearly twenty-live persons. It was learnt later that the
Mahraita Subedar was accused of killing the Sub-Divisional
Officer by shooting at him from the running train w'hile the Sub-
Divisional Officer was performing his duties on the canal bank.

Muzaijar}>arli District

Mu/atfargarh District is bounded on the north by the district
of Mianwali and on the west by the river Indus. The river
Chenab runs along the greater part of its eastern boundary.
Muslims comprised 86.42 per cent of its total population before
partition. Not many Sikhs lived in the district; their number was
probably not much more than six thousand in all,’’' and they
lived mostly in the rural areas concentrated in a handful of bastis
surrounded by predominantly Muslim villages. When disturbances
began in the month of September they found it difficult cither to
defend themselves or to escape to places of comparative safety. As
they formed a .special target of the fanatical attack on tlic minorities
many of them perished ; the rest were forcibly converted to Islam.
These last wen; eventually evacuated under police or military escort.
Mass conversion of Hindus and vSikhs was a special feature of the
Muzaffargarh District and there were many villages in which the
entire non-Muslim population was compelled to embrace Islam,
under threat of annihilation. In these villages the loss of life was
inconsiderable,'!" though conversion did not prevent their entire
property from being looted and their young women from being
kidnapped and subjected to the barbarous lust of the marauders.
Here, as elsewhere, there were numerous cases of neighbourly
kindness and protection offered by local Muslims and the Muslim

• .At the census of 1041 the figure was 5,882,

+ Wholesale conversion took place in the Milages ol Scrwala. W'arra Sera. Sohal,
Ratta Ram. Dogar Kalasra, Subani Wasti, Pakki I.abhana, Makhan Bela, larpur, Sahhanl,
Basil Oa/.i (seven non-Muslims who were unwilling were murdered). Tibbi Ni^am. Usman
Kuna and MinwaJa

192

Stem Reckoning

police ottkers. Only rarely, however, did these efforts succeed in
evadhig or counteracting the hideous forces of murder and rapine.
In a few instances the kidnapped girls were restored to their re¬
lations after they had agreed to accept Islam. The evacuation of
these converted persons presented serious difficulties to our Liaison
Agency and the Military Organization in charge of evacuation, as
they were stranded in small and all but inaccessible pockets. Some¬
times their very existence was not known as they had moved from
their last habitation. The available evidence regarding their where¬
abouts was meagre and a diligent search had to be made in very
difficult conditions.

At the time of partition Raja Sultan Lai Hussain was the
Deputy Commissioner and during his tenure of office the district
remained peaceful. He left on August 20, and soon afterwards
disturbances began and spread to all parts of the district. The
first recorded incident is an attack on a Sikh passenger on August
20, at the Sanawan Railway Station. The victim escaped and
sought refuge in a Hindu temple. He was pursued by a mob of
Muslims who demanded that he should be handed over to them.
I’hcy threatened to destroy the whole city if the man were not
given up. They succeeded in capturing the Sikh and murdering
him. A fortnight later the railway station was attacked again and
two Hindu railway olficials were murdered. There were simul¬
taneous attacks on a number of other railway stations on the soli¬
tary line which runs through this district. At Dorata a Sikh Station
Master and .seven members of his family were murdered. At
Jaman Shah a Hindu Station Master was murdered and his two
daughters were kidnapped. At Karor twenty-one non-Muslim
railway employees including the Assistant Station Master were
murdered. Two girls were abducted. At Dera Dinpanah a Hindu
porter was murdered. The daughter of the Station Master of
Gurmani was kidnapped. These attacks struck terror in the hearts
of the non-Muslim railway employees. The murders at the rail¬
way stations were followed by attacks on the villages. A large
mob of two thousand Muslims surrounded village Sanawan and
murdered a large number of non-Muslims. The women of the
village had been placed in a separate house which was attacked
by a mob of Muslims. About ten old women were murdered and
then all the ornaments and valuables were plundered. Fifteen
young girls were carried away. The Sub-Inspector of Police took
the non-Muslims to the railway station and helped in evacuating

193

The Punjab

them to Muzaffargarh. A member of the West Punjab Legislative
Assembly and a Muslim Recruiting Officer were observed en¬
couraging and helping the Muslim mob.

At Karor a most horrible massacre of non-Muslims was
enacted. Karor is a .small town situated in the extreme north
of the district. There were a police .station, a High School. Civil
and Veterinary Hospitals in the town and a large number of
non-Muslims resided there. With the outbreak of disturbances
the non-Muslims of the neighbouring vdlages arrived in Karor
and, in the beginning of September, nearly ten thousand Hindus
and Sikhs had congregated in the town. On September 3, a Hindu
while crossing a stream w'a.s murdered. The .same night the rail¬
way station was attacked. During the days that followed, the
town w'as subjected to several attacks. A Hindu, writing on Sep¬
tember 5, said that dogs and vultures were eating the corpses of
non-Muslims lying in the .streets of Karor. Fhe neighbouring vil¬
lages suffered heavy los.ses in life and property. Almost all the
villages in the neighbourhood of Karor and Lciah were attacked
on September 4 and 5. Ihe simultaneity of the attack indicated
a prc-ctmccivcd plan. On September 7 a large Muslim mob
attacked Dedhe Lai, a small village near Rohillanwali. in the
.southern part of the district. The non-Muslims abandoned their
houses and took shelter in the hvnise of Chaudhry Lila Kishen
The Muslims began to loot the houses and shops and the pillage
continued through the night. The next morning the village Lair*
bardar took the non-Muslims to his house and sent a messenger
to Muzaffargarh for military aid. In the afternoon ten Baluch
soldiers arrived in the village and asked the Lambardar to turn
the non-Muslims out. Ihe .soldiers wanted the wo.iien to be
placed in a .separate house but. on being paid a bribe of iwo
hundred rupees, agreed to let them stay with the men. During the
night some young women were raped by the Baluch soldiers. On
September 9, the non-Muslims were asked to embrace Islam. While
thc.se negotiations were proceeding, a local Pleader brought a truck
to the village and, in this truck, twvnty non-Musluns were carried
to Muzaffargarh. The remaining non-Muslims took shelter in a
room but the local Muslims assisted by the Baluch soldiers made
a hole in the roof of the koiha and, pouring kerosene oil inside,
set fire to it. Sixty-five persons are said to have been burnt in this
kotiut. The Sub-Inspector of Kinjar told the local non-Muslims,
on September 5, that he could not guarantee their safety. He,
however, asked the Muslim Zemindars to try and protect their

194

Stern Reckoning

co-villagers. The village was attacked early on the morning of
September 7. The Sufaidposh and the Zaildar who had given
assurances of safety to the non-Muslims were seen to be taking
part in the assault. The mob entered the village shouting Pakis¬
tan Zindahad’' and ‘-Jinnah Zindahad"' They broke open the
locks of houses and shops and began to loot them. About two
hundred shops and houses were set fire to and any non-Muslims
found in the streets were set upon and murdered. The Sub-
Inspcctor of Police sat in the rural dispensary gossipping with the
doctor. He was cither complctey indifferent to what was going
on in the village or, what is more probable, quite powerless to
stop it. T..ater, when the fury of the mob had somewhat abated,
the Sub-Inspector look, the non-Muslims to the police station and
kept them there for a week. Rations were extremely meagre and
attempts to carry provisions to the police station were foiled by
the Zaildar and the local Muslims. On September 15, a number
of lorries were hired and the non-Muslims were evacuated. The
village, however, was reduced to a ruin, Chaiidhri Lai Chand, a
resident of Kamal Kurai, a village five miles from Kinjar. was
robbed of his cash and ornaments while he was proceeding to
Kinjar on September 5. He reported the matter to the Sub-
Inspector at Kinjar who paid a visit to his village but was unable
to trace the culprits. When Lai Chand went to Kinjar on Sep¬
tember 7 with a list of the stolen property he found the village in
flames. He went back to Kamal Kurai and found it surrounded
by a Muslim mob'. The Hindu residents collected at the house of
Chaudhri Asu Ram and handed over the keys of their houses and
shops to the Muslims who immediately began to loot them. All
the cattle owned by the non-Muslims were driven out and some
of the houses were burnt down. The next morning the attack
w'as renewed and the non-Muslims were asked to embrace Islam.
Some of them agreed and publicly took off their sacred threads.
Those who hesitated or did not agree were set upon and mur¬
dered. The converted persons were taken to a Muslim house in a
neighbouring village, and some of the girls who had been kid¬
napped were restored to them. The.se unfortunate persons were
rescued about three weeks later by the military.

The Sikh Bastis Kothiwala, Shihnwala, Kartarpur and
Basantpura were attacked on September 6 and 7. The majority
of the residents perished and the rest were forcibly converted to
Islam. Those who tried to escape were waylaid and done to
death. Many girls were carried aw'ay by the marauders. The

The Punjab

195

total loss of life in these four Bastis was several hundred. The
Muslims of village Chandian were divided in their attitude towards
the non-Muslims. Some of them were of the opinion that if the
non-Muslims were willing to accept Islam they should not be
molested while others thought that immediate death was the only
suitable end for all non-Muslims. Sardar Khan Chandian, w'ho
was the leader of the first party, took the non-Muslims to a
mosque and converted them to Islam. They were all made to
remove their sacred threads and chotis and recite the Kalma.
They spent a night in the mosque and, in the morning, ale beef
which was given to them. The second party of Muslims was,
however, not satisfied and launched an attack on the mosque.
Over a hundred persons were done to death and a number of
young girls were kidnapped. Their houses were then looted.
wSardar Khan took the survivors to his Chak and finally helped in
evacuating them to Muzaffargarh. The residents of Basti Miran-
pur were saved through the good offices of the local Muslims who
converted them to Islam and finally helped to send them to Kinjar
from where they were evacuated. In villages Serin Dewan Wali
and Gujrat a wholesale murder of non-Muslims took place, tn
village Gangian the non-Muslims accepted the ofl'er of conversion
but many of them were nevertheless done to death. The Sikh
residents of village Mangal Singh were attacked on September 9
and many of them were burnt alive in a house where they had
taken shelter. Others who tried to rush out were slaughtered and
a large heap of dead bodies was seen lying in t^H village.

A large number of non-Muslims ran to Muzalfargarh from
the neighbouring villages and sought shelter in the refugee camp
near the railway station. Muzaffargarh itself did not witness
disturbances on a large scale but there were many cases of murder
and loot. Exit from Muzalfargarh was made difficult because the
bridge over the Chenab, connecting the districts of Muzaffargarh
and Multan, was continuously watched by Muslim mobs who
attacked and murdered anyone tryingTo cross it. This bridge was
seen to be strewn with dead bodies. All the roads leading from
Muzaffargarh were infested by murderous gangs of Muslims and
it was not till the end of September, when a large-scale evacua¬
tion with the help of the Military Evacuation Organization began,
that the npn-Muslims in the district were able to escape to safety.
The refugees from Dera Ghazi Khan had to pass through
Muzaffargarh and this added to the numbers in the refugee camps
and to the problems of providing food for them. On September 12.

196

Stern Reckoning

the Deputy Inspector-General of Police, Multan Range, came
to the district and was instrumental in checking the disturbances.
Non-Muslims from different villages were brought to the nearest
Tchsil headquarters and placed in nineteen different camps. The
number of camps was gradually reduced and evacuation by rail¬
way began on October 23. Indian military arrived on October
25, and this furlher helped to restore confidence.

Rawalpindi District

Rawalpindi was a predominantly Muslim district. The census
returns of 1941 recorded a population of 7.85 lakhs of whom 6.28
lakhs, representing 80 per cent of the total, were Muslims. Sikhs
in appreciable numbers resided both in the town of Rawalpindi
and in the rural areas. They occupied a not unimportant position
in the civic life of the district, as some of them were very wealthy
and owned large properties in the urban areas of Rawalpindi and
Murree and also in the villages. The people of the district
are robust in physique and warlike in spirit; and provide
good material for Army recruitment. Every village counted
among its residents a few Army pensioners who owned firearms
and knew how to u.se them effectively. There are few roads and
some of the outlying villages are difficult of access. The extent
and intensity of the March riots had driven out almost the entire
non-Muslim population from the rural areas. The August riots
were, therefore, confined for the most part to Rawalpindi proper
and Chaklala, a military base four miles away.

'Phe headquarters of the Northern Command were situated in
Rawalpindi and a large Army force was stationed in the Canton¬
ment. The presence of so many troops should have ensured the
safety of the town but, after the March happenings, the non-
Muslims lo.sl ail confidence in the ability or. at any rate, the
impartiality of the Army personnel^in affording protection to them.

The August trouble at Rawalpindi began with the arrival of
some Muslim refugees from East Punjab. The Deputy Commis¬
sioner, Mr. Anwar-uI-Haq, made a gallant attempt to control the
situation but he received no assistance from his subordinates or
the ptdice. Indeed, their attitude and conduct were calculated to
revive and exacerbate the hostilities between the communities.
Added to this was the factor that many of the culprits responsible
for committing offences, during the March riots, were released on
bail. This circumstance was utilized by the Muslim League agi¬
tators to their benefit, for they were able to say that, with the

The Punjab

197

estEblishment of Pakistan, they had* been able to redeem the
pledges given to these criminals and any future acts of a similar
nature committed by them would be condoned by the authorities.
These hooligans, therefore, thought that they were free to murder
and loot the minorities in the district.

On the morning of August 15, a number of non-Muslims
were stabbed. On the following day Kartarpiira fVlohalla was
attacked by armed Muslims and completely plundered. Many of
the non-Muslim residents were killed. On August 17, the Khalsa
High School and the Khalsa College suffered the same fate. The
hi festival was celebrated on August 18, and, after the morning
prayers, Muslims ran about the city, in a fit of exultant frenzy,
looting and burning non-Muslim property. Hindus and Sikhs
were freely attacked and beaten. The Hindu Civil Surgeon,
Mr. Sondhi, was severely wounded and his car was damaged as
he was on his way to the hospital to give medical aid to the riot
casualities. A Hindu physician was shot dead in the street. Mur¬
derous gangs lurked behind every street corner and inside every
mosque. If a Hindu or a Sikh were seen approaching he was
pounced upon and killed. Mosques were used as arsenals and
vantage points for attack. The authorities raided a nuisque in the
city and found a large dump of firearms, hand-grenades and other
lethal weapons. Hindu and Sikh shrines were desecrated. Riot¬
ing continued uplo the end of September except for a few
temporary lulls. Mai Veero-ki-Banni, Pul Shah Nazar, Nimak
Mandi, Momanpura and Mohalla Talwaran were all looted. On
September 11. about two hundred non-Muslim subjects of Poonch
Stale left Rawalpindi in eleven trucks under military escort. They
were first subjected to a thorough search at the railway
station, under the supervision of an Anglo-Indian Magi.strate, Mr.
Ross. They were then stopped at the octroi post and another
search which lasted several hours was carried out. The trucks
finally left but, when they had travelled for about six miles, they
were set upon by a mob of armed Muslims. The military escort
sat by the roadside and took no steps to defend the non-Muslims.
The last two trucks were able to turn round and return to Rawal¬
pindi but the remaining nine trucks were thoroughly looted and
almost all the passengers were killed. Many girls were
kidnapped.

If a non-Muslim temporarily left his house he found, on his
return, that it had been occupied by Muslim refugees with the
help of National Guards. In some cases non-Muslims were

198

Stern Reckoning

forcibly ejected from their houses. A prominent Advocate had
to go to Delhi on business and, before he left, the Deputy Com¬
missioner assured him that his house would be safe. At Delhi,
however, news was received by this Advocate that the Tehsildar
and the Naib Tehsildar had gone to his house and taken posses¬
sion of it. His motor car was also taken away. Some luggage
which he had packed up in crates was lost.

Non-Muslims experienced great difficulty in travelling to
India. Mr. Ross was in charge of evacuation and he exerted all
his inlluencc in harassing and victimizing the non-Muslims. Not
a single train left Rawalpindi for India between September 1 and
October 18, except Military Specials in which civil refugees could
not ordinarily travel. Mr. Ross refused to arrange for transport
on the ground that there was no reciprocal movement of rolling
stock from India. This was not true because at least two trains
carrying Muslim Refugees from Ea.st Punjab arrived in Rawal¬
pindi during this period.* A train was announced to leave
Chaklala Railway Station on September 18. Rolling stock and
engines were available. Tickets for the journey to India were
issued to non-Muslims but, when the intending travellers arrived
at Chaklala, they learnt that the train had been cancelled. No
reasons for this decision were assigned. Arrangements were
finally made for a train to leave on October 18. Large numbers
of passengers with their luggage arrived at Chaklala. They had
to pay fifty rupees per package to the coolies, but their luggage
was finally brought to the station platform. A Muslim Magis¬
trate, accompanied by a number of police constables, now arrived
and ordered all the non-Muslim to leave the station premises.
Some of them had to be driven out at the point of the bayonet.
After they had left, almost the entire luggage was looted by mem¬
bers of the National Guards. When the train arrived at 5 p.m., the
passengers had to get in without flicir luggage.t

Gujar Khan was attacked by a Muslim mob towards the end
of August. A number of non-Muslims were stabbed and several
more injured. The non-Muslims were forcibly ejected from their
houses and they were told that the goods in their shops were
Pakistan property. The non-Muslims then left the town.

• Bakshi Mchtab Sinish. a senior Advtjcate. savs that he himself saw these trains arrive
and visited the Muslim Refuace Camp

♦ Many Government oRiciaUs took part in the loot and received a share of the pro¬
perly thus stolen Action was taktn asdinst them by the Pakistan Government, many
recoveries were made and some of the ofOciaK were actually .suspended.

The Punjab

199

The evidence relating to disturbances in the rural areas
during the months of August and September is somewhat meagre,
partly because most of the non-Muslims had already left after the
March disturbances and partly because the few who were left
did not survive to tell their story. Chak Shahbad, a village about
six miles from Rawalpindi, was attacked on the afternoon of
August 28. All the non-Muslim houses were plundered, and
about ten non-Muslims were killed. The rest escaped to Rawal¬
pindi and were evacuated to India. The villages of Chak
Shadadpur, Hanaysar, Nara and Daultala were similarly attacked.

Jhelum District

Jhelura was another predominantly Muslim District. The
total number of Hindu and Sikh residents was only about sixty-
five thousand or a little more than 10 per cent of the total popu¬
lation. The inhabitants of the rural areas possessed a strong
physique and the district shared with Rawalpindi the honour of
providing an endless supply of Army recruits. Large sums of
money were poured into the district annually by way of military
pensions, and the tiresome vocation of tilling the land was not the
only means of livelihood open to the people. Their moral fibre,
however, was weak and they were prone to be swayed by base
and selfish considerations. It was not religious emotion or
aggressive chauvinism which prompted them to attack the Hindu
and Sikh minorities living in their midst, but the prospect of
personal gain. I'his was truer of the people of Jhelum than of,
perhaps, any other di.sirict in the Punjab.

The March riots affected some of the rural areas and in Gah,
a village in Tehsil Chakwal. a general massacre of non-Muslims
took place in that month. Eighty houses were burnt and thirty
persons lost their lives in this fire. Village Warwai was also
attacked in a similar manner. Nine persons were killed and many
more injured. At Hasal a large Muslim mob arrived and forced
the non-Muslims to embrace Islam. Those who refused were
murdered. The village was then looted. A military picket was
posted in the village and there was no further trouble until August.
Narang, Mangwal, Rasala, Sarkal, and Minwal were similarly
attacked and the non-Muslims were forced to accept Islam.
Chakwal was subjected to several attacks but the local Muslims
advised the raiders to go back. On March 12, military was posted
in the town and normal conditions returned.

200

Stern Reckoning

In ihc town of Jhe!um disturbances broke out during
September. The attack on the residents of Machine Mohalla was
a particularly brutal one. On September 25, a mob of armed
Muslims carrying machine-guns, revolvers and other weapons
attacked the non-Muslim houses. The victims had been warned of
this attack and they entrenched themselves in five or six houses
in Mohalla Gobindpura, the doors of which were barricaded. The
attack lasted for several hours and some of the houses in the
Mohalla were set fire to. A contingent of Muslim military arrived
and asked the non-Muslims to send their women and girls in trucks
to a place of safely. This direction was complied with. The
women and girls were never heard of again. Immediately after¬
wards the non-Muslim males were set uptm and a general massacre
followed. Hundreds of men were killed and their dead bodies were
thrown in the Jhelum River. It is said that only about three
hundred persons out of a total of two thousand non-Muslims
li\ing in this Mohada survived. The houses were then looted and
even the dead b(xlios were searched and robbed. The bungalow
of Sardarni Lachhmi of Wahali was attacked and she and her
brother’s wife were brutally murdered by a Muslim mob. Their
entire properly was then looted.

Murid, a village six miles from Chakwal, was attacked, on
September 10, by a mob of several thousand Muslims. The houses
and shops of the non-Mu.slims were ransacked, the Gurdwara was
desecrated and the religious books were burnt. To add to the
sacrilege, cows were butchered inside the Gurdwara. Bhaun, a
village eight mi'es from C hakwal. was attacked on August 11. The
raiders brought caniels, donkeys and bullock-carts with them and
carried away large quantities of loot. The non-Muslims were then
told to leave their village if they valued their lives. Haranpur was
attacked on August 13, and Tt is said that the Sub-Divisional
Magistrate of Find Dadan Khan and a Sub-Inspector of Police
came with the raiders and shared the loot. The residents of
Haranpur were later evacuated to the Find Dadan Khan refugee
camp under military escort. On September 19, five thousand
refugees from this camp boarded a train bound for Amritsar. This
train was attacked several times on the way. and the majority of
the passengers were killed. Many girls and young women were
abducted. Some residents of Balkassar tried to run away by steal¬
ing out of the village at night. They were attacked on the way
and three of them were murdered. Some reached Chakwal and

The Punjab

201

arranged to send military trucks to the village and this enabled the
remaining non-Muslims to escape to safety. Wahali was attacked
on September 2, and the big haveli of Sardar Hari Singh was burnt
down. Forty non-Muslims are said to have been murdered. In
village Lehr Sultanpur, there was only one non-Muslim family.
When they were leaving the village they were attacked and looted.
In the beginning of October the Police Sub-Inspector of Dina
ordered the non-Muslims to leave their village. They were not
allowed to lake anything with them. When the non-Muslims
arrived in Mirpur they were attacked by a Muslim mob and many
of them were killed. The survivors escaped to Jammu and finally
found their way to Amritsar. In contrast to this, it is agreeable to
record that in village Pahdri no incident took place and that the
Muslims helped to evacuate the non-Muslims and carried their
luggage on their own heads up to the place where lorries were
available. At Jhclum, however, the luggage was looted.

AtUK’k District

Attock, a small village on the banks of the Indus, is the last
Punjab outpost on the Grand Trunk Road, When the head¬
quarters of the district were set up at Campbellpur, Attock lost its
civic importance and the village was almost completely deserted.
A garrison, posted in the fort, remained to watch the frontier of
the province and guard the bridge which strides across the Indus
as its torrent rushes through a narrow gorge flanked by rocky
precipices. The Grand Trunk Road winds down to the bridge
and crosses over into the territory of the North-West Frontier
Province. Long stretches of undulating sandy fields, dotted with
small stone-built villages, alternate with wooded hilly tracts. A
number of streams which suddenly swell up during the monsoon
rains to unfordable dimensions run through the district. There
are remains of several Moghul buildings including a Rest House
situated amid the picturesque surroundings of the Wah springs and
a Baradari at Attock. The Sikh shripe of Panja Sahib at Hassan
Abdal was visited by Sikh pilgrims from all parts of India.

The population of the district according to the census of 1941,
was 6.75 lakhs the vast majority of whom (6.11 lakhs comprising
90.42 per cent) were Muslims. In March 1947 several villages in
the eastern part of the district were affected by the disturbances
in the rural areas of Rawalpindi District.

On March 9 a Muslim mob, shouting slogans and beating
drums, entered village Jhari. The non-Muslims ran to take shelter
14

202

Stem Reckoning

in the Gurdwara but, when they found that they would be over¬
powered, they escaped from the back door and ran out into the
jungle. The next morning they came back, on learning that the
mob had left. That afternoon the Zaildar asked all non-Muslims
to embrace Islam. The barbers were called and the hair of the Sikhs
was removed. The next morning the newly converted people were
asked to eat beef and give their daughters in marriage to the Mus¬
lims. I'he Gurdwara Granthi argued that the Quran did not make
these things compulsory for Muslims. On this the converts were
attacked and more than a hundred of them were done to death.
Logs of wood were thrown into the pit of a well under construction
and a huge fire was lit. A number of women were thrown into
this pit and burnt alive ; several young girls were kidnapped;
children were impaled on spears and displayed in the village. In
village Parial the Sub-Inspector of Police asked the Sikhs to
become Muslims if they wanted to live in safety. Master Thakar
Singh, President of the Gurdwara F*anchayat. refused. I'he next
day a Muslim mob attacked the village. Master Thakar Singh
was captured and murdered. His dead body was taken to the
Gurdwara on spears, and the Sikhs in the Gurdwara vverc told that
unless they embraced Islam they would meet the same fate. The
Sikhs appeared to show some reluctance and the Gurdwara was set
on fire. Over a hundred persons were burnt alive or murdered by
the Muslim mob. In village Mithial, a number of persons were
murdered and ten children were burnt alive. In Rajar a mass
massacre of Sikhs, invoking tlic lieath of one hundred and fifty
persons, took place. In Dhcri thirteen persons were murdered
and two burnt alive because they refused to embrace Islam. The
remaining non-Muslims were then converted. Mass conversions
took place in Chak Belikhan. Ghela Kalan, Mial, Dhalwali. Mohra,
Sihal, Sanghral. .Saroha, etc.

A Muslim mob attacked village Basal on March 11, killing
four Hindus and injuring fifteen. A number of Hindu houses and
shops were looted. The neighbouring village of Kisran was
similarly attacked and several persons were murdered. Basal was,
attacked a .second time, on March 13, and in the course of this
attack twenty-seven Hindus lost their lives. Altogether seventy-
two villages in the district were attacked during the March riots.
A camp was set up near the Basal Railway Station and the
non-Muslims of the neighbouring villages sought shelter there.
When the Rawalpindi trouble subsided most of the refugees

The Punjab

203

returned home but some whose confidence was completely shaken
stayed on in the camp. When aliacks by Muslim m<ibs began, in
August, ihe Hindus once again hurried to find safety in the Basal
Camp. They were . subsequently removed to the larger camp
at Wah.

CainpbeJIpur, lalagang, and Tatehjang where the Hindus
lived in appreciable numbers were all attacked. It must be recorded
that the Gurdwara of Panja Sahib was not attacked as it remained
well guarded throughout. There were few Hindus left in the rural
areas and the evidence discloses only thirty-one cases of attacks on
villages. The number of road incidents recorded is eight while
two trains were attacked.

Talagang was attacked on the morning of September 18, by a
mob of five thousand Muslims. A number of women and girls who
had gone out into the fields to answer the call of nature were kid¬
napped. The raiders .surrounded the village and exchanged shots with
the non-Muslim residents. The siege lasted two days and when
the ammunition of the defenders was exhausted the ‘Muslims
attacked the town and began to slaughter the non-Muslims and
lotq their houses and shops. It is estimated that about three hund¬
red and fifty Hindus were done to death and many more injured.
Some were forcibly converted to Islam. Several young girls were
kidnapped. Two days iaier, the Babich military arrived and the
survivors were taken to a camp set up in the local school. A
fortnight later, they were e.scorted to the Wah Camp by lorry and
train ; but, before leaving, they were deprived of their money and
valuables. I'he train was attacked on the w'ay, near Goira Railway
vStation, by a mob of Muslims who had concealed themselves in
hajni fields. Bleven of the Hindu passengers were wounded but
the train was safely brought to Wah.

Some non-Muslim residents of Lava left the village on
September 3. fhe remaining two hundred or two hundred and fifty
could not make any transport arrangements and had to stay
behind. On September 5, a Muslim mob attacked the village killing
a number of persons and forcibly converting others. The entire
village w'as then looted.

On August 30, a convoy of non-Muslims, passing through
Fatchjang. w'as attacked. Twenty Hindus were killed and fifteen
wounded. Koti Gul was attacked on September 5. Two Hindus
were killed and seven injured; the rest of the non-Muslims were

204

Stern Reckoning

forcibly converted to Is.'am. The Hindu shops were looted. About
one thousand ncjn-Muslims lived in Tamman. On August 15, a
crowd of Muslims attacked some Hindu houses on the western side
of the village and looted them. Twelve Hindus were killed. The
Zaildar then proclaimed that Hindus had no right to live in
Pakistan and should prepare themselves to leave the village. A
crowd of Pathans from Mianwali arrived and demanded a share
of the loot from the local Muslims. A clash ensued and the Hindus,
seeing a chance of escape, ran from the village. They were pur¬
sued by the police who had taken a prominent part in planning
the attack and were deprived of whatever valuables they had.
They eventually reached Talagang from where they were taken to
Wah. A band of lialuch soldiers in plain clothes raided the bar¬
racks occupied by Hindu employees of the M.E.S. on September 29.
Eleven Hindus, s.ecping in the verandah, were dragged to an
adjoining field and assaulted. The hands of a Gurkha were first
chopped off and then he was killed. Only one out of these eleven
escaped; the dead bodies of the remaining ten were seen lying
in the fields the next du>. All tlie non-Muslims of the tow'n w'ere
then eolleeted and taken to a Gurdvvara where a camp had been
set up. No provisions w'ere supplied to the refugees and the only
food they had was some bags of parched gram lying in the Gurd-
wara. After a fortnight, the refugees were asked to get ready
to go to the railway station where a train, bound for India, was
waiting for them. No conveyance for luggage was provided and
the refugees were not allowed to carry anything except small pack¬
ages. A convoy of lorries carrying non-Muslims of Campbellpur
to Wah, on September 29. was attacked by a Muslim mob two
miles from Campbellpur. The military escort took no steps to
ward off this attack. It is .said that some shots were fired by the
European Officer in charge of the escort but the Muslim soldiers
remained passive spectators of the assault. More than two
hundred non-Muslims are .said to have lost their lives in this
incident.

Attacks W'ere also made on road convoys proceeding
from Khaur, Pindi Gheb, Fatehjang and Find Sultani.

Mianwali District

The Mianwali District is a boot-shaped area with a long
and narrow strip of land lying along the Indus River. It was a
predominantly Muslim district and the Muslims numbered 86.16
per cent of the total population. On March 11, a crowd of several

The Punlab

205

thousand Muslims from the neighbouring villages arrived at Mian-
wali with the intention of plundering the town. The Deputy
Commissioner, however, succeeded in persuading this mob to go
away. On the way back, they killed a few non-Muslims but there
was no serious trouble in the district until September. In the
month of August, a number of trains were stopped and searched
and there were a few stray stabbing cases. A more serious inci¬
dent was the murder of Captain Grewal, a Sikh officer, at the
Paikhcl Railway Station on August 26. The happenings in the
neighbouring districts had spread panic in Mianwali and, on
August 30, the Deputy Commissioner announced his plan of
evacuating the non-Muslims from the district. He appointed differ¬
ent dates for different villages. This announcement appeared to
encourage the Muslims to lawlessness as they thought that the
departing Hindus and Sikhs were entirely at their mercy. There
is some indication of a prc-conceived plan to launch an attack
throughout the district. On September 2, nearly twenty villages
were attacked by Muslim mobs and, on September 3, the trouble
spread to many more. A mounted messenger brought the news
of an attack on Wan Bachran, and, when military aid was sent, the
Muslim hooligans ran into the neighbouring village of Shadia and
killed a number of Hindus. They were pursued to Shadia and
trouble broke out afresh at Wan Bachran.

On September 3. two houses in village Alluhwali were
attacked. The residents were asked to pay a large sum of money
and, when they refused, were shot down. Their hou.ses were then
looted. On September 6, the Hindus left their houses and collected
at the house of one Jamna Das in the hope of being able to defend
themselves better from one place. The Muslims looted the houses
thus vacated. The next morning the Mianwali train brought a
number of Muslim hooligans who joined the local Muslims and
attacked some Hindus who had taken shelter in a serai near the
railway station, killing twenty-five of them and plundering all their
goods. The survivors agreed to accept Islam and were escorted
to the mosciue of Ramzan Arain. A barber was summoned and
he began to shave the non-Muslim heads in order to make them
conform to Muslim appearance. The Assistant Sub-Inspector of
Police, however, did not trust the new converts, and, at hi.s insti¬
gation, several of them were killed as they came out of the mosque.
A train carrying refugees arrived at this juncture and the military
escort rescued the few Hindu survivors.

206

Stern Reckoning

On September 3. Bchl was attacked. The main bazaar was
looted and burnt down and then a general massacre of the non-
Muslims began. I'his continued throughout the night and the
Muslim soldiers posted in the village took part in the looting and
killing. Over a hundred girls were kidnapped. In the morning the
dead bodies, some halt burnt and others mutilated, were thrown
into a well and the survivors were asked to embrace Islam. Many
of the converts were later killed. One of the kidnapped girls,
reiating her cKperienee, said that she had been raped in a most
inhuman manner and pas.sed on from man to man till she com-
pleteK lost a ! sense of feeling.

Kundian was attacked, on September 4, by a huge mob of
Muslims, led by die /aililar and the local Lambardars. The Head¬
master of the school and members of the National Guards were
seen helping and encouraging the hooligans. A number of houses
were .set on lire and over a hundred non-Muslims were killed. At
Piplan the non-Muslims were escorted to the railway station for
llie ostensible piirpo.se of being taken to Mianwali. They hope¬
fully cnnvded inti^ three b^)gie^ sanding at the platform, but the
engine .steamed away, leaving the bogies behind and the intend¬
ing iraxeliers were set upon by a Muslim mob and slaughtered like
sheep. A train carrying non-Muslim refugees from Mari Indus
and the neighbi>uring villages was attacked at Daud Khel on
September 12, and Uioicd. The mihtary escint merely tired a few
shots in the air.

September" 0 was the appointed dale for the evacuation of
village Harnoli. I hat day a Muslim mob collected and launched
an attack on the iK)n-Muslims at 2-30 p.m. The Hindus defended
them.selvcs from previously prepared morchos and shot some of
the raiders. News of this was carriecl to Mianwali and the Deputy
Commissioner was informed that the Hindus had perpetrated
horrible atrocities on the Muslims and had burnt the mosque. A
contingent of Baluch military and a number of tanks were sent
to restore peace in Harnoli. 'I'he Hindu residents of Mianwali
saw these tanks pa^s and shuddered at the fate which awaited
their co-religionists. Ihc niililaiy threw a ring round the village
and attacked the Hindu strongholds. 1 he nvn- has were blown up
and the town was sacked. The streets were littered with dead
bodies and some ol the Baluch soldiers indulged in the most
inhuman barbarities. Men were hung upon trees and shot.

The Pinijah

207

Little infants were dashed to the ground or had their limbs torn.
Young girls were raped in a horrible manner and then slaughtered.

Bhakkar was attacked three times. On September 3, a Mus¬
lim mob surrounded the town and set fire to a number of houses.
About ten non-Muslims were killed. I'he Sub-Divisional Officer
had recently come from Gurdaspur and, when an appeal for help
was made to him, he merely replied that he had seen horrible
things done to his Muslim brethren in East Punjab. The Inspector
of Police said that he had lost everything in East Punjab and that
he was not sorry to sec the Hindus of Bhakkar suffering. The
arrival of the military, however, prevented further mischief. A
second attack was made on September It). On this occasion also a
few houses were burnt and a few non-Muslims were killed.
Gurkha soldiers were at the time posted in the town and they
immcdiaicl) restored peace. A few days later, Muslim military-
replaced the Gurkhas and conditions in the town changed. 'I here
vscic rept)ris of young women and girls being raped by the Muslim
soldiers. On October 8, the Muslim military were to leave and.
on that day. a determined and large-scale attack was made on
the petiple of Bhakkar. I he Muslim military were seen helping
the hooligans, and looting continued the whole day. riiere was
considerable loss of life and property. Many houses were set on
fire and over three hundred persons were killed.

At Darya Khan, a Muslim mob attacked the town on Octo¬
ber 2. T he non-Muslims were placed in a house, on the upper
storey of w hich Muslim soldiers mounted guard. During the night
the house was attacked by a Muslim mob and several hundred
persons were killed. 1 he military guard merely fired shots in the
ail-. St»mc of them even shot at the people under their protection.
There was large-scale killing and looting at Hassan Shah..

In Mianwali there w'as peace until the end of September. The
Deputy Commissioner had, however, passed an order, on Septem¬
ber 15, that all non-Muslims must surrender their arms Ihe
matter w'as represented to the Governor when he visited the town,
a few days later, but the non-Muslims continued to remain with¬
out any means of defending themselves against a possible attack.
Many non-Muslims moved into a camp set up near the Deputy
Commissioner’s house. This camp was attacked on the evening
of September 28. I'he town was attacked the same night and the
attack continued for three or four days. The shops in the bazaar
were broken open and set on fire. Within a short time the whole
town seemed to be ablaze. An eyc-wilncss .said: ‘*1, along with

208

Stern Reckoning

my family members and with about two hundred other non-
Muslims, was taking shelter in a deserted house. The Muslim
mob surrounded us and gave us an ultimatum that either we should
embrace Islam or we would be put to death and our womenfolk
would be carried away to the villages. All of us agreed to embrace
Islam. In spite of our declaration we were all dragged out and
our womenfolk were molested and disgraced in our presence.
They were searched and stripped of their last jewellery
and many of them were beaten. On coming out we saw that a
big Muslim mob along with military was standing there and
women and virgin girls were being loaded forcibly in military
trucks. The whole tewn wore a ghastly appearance and the
streets were full of heaps of dead. We had to walk on dead
bodies as we went to the mosque. In our pre.sence many young
children were dashed against walls. Suckling babies were
snatched from the arms of their mothers and torn into bits.
Goondas and Muslim mobs with the military were busy in a
general massacre and looting. Groups of men were pouring in.
carrying rifles, daggers, hatchets and other deadly weapons. We
were taken to the house of Haji Abdur Rchman Khan, a Muslim
League leader. On all sides the town presented a dreadful scene
which we could not bear. The attackers had sacked the whole
town. Not a single shop or house, belonging to a non-Muslim, wa^.
left which had not been swept clean. The pillaged houses had a
desolate look with the doors wide open as if no one had ever
lived in them.”

Dera Ghazi Khan DistrU t

The importance of the Muslim League and its programme of
establishing an exclusively Muslim theocratic State of Pakistan
were almost unknown in the far-flung district of Dera Ghazi Khan.
The river Indus acted as a barrier again.st extraneous influences.
There is no railway in the district and the only means of transport
available to the people arc motor lorries, bullock-carts or camels.
A number of ferries ply at various points on the river and a boat
bridge, during the winter months, furnishes access to MuzalTar-
garh. During the summer months, when the volume of water in
the Indus increases, the boat bridge is dismantled and the cross¬
ing is made by steamer. The local politics were inspired and
controlled by the tribal chiefs, of whom the most important was
the head of the Laghari Tribe. He was a member of the Unionist

The Punjab

209

Party and for some time held the office of Minister. He exerted
himself in preserving peace in the district and his influence was
a strong steadying factor. The Deputy Commissioner and the
Superintendent of Police also took timely action in checking the
forces of law essness and sent for Gurkha military, to guard the
towns and refugee camps, and patrol the countryside. It is also
gratifying to record that the Muslim police and the Border
Constabulary displayed, on the whole, a commendable sense of
duty, though in a few instances their conduct was marred by an
apathetic indifference towards the safety of the non-Muslims in
their charge. In one or two cases they even gave support and
assistance to the hooligans and shared the loot.

There were no large-scale mass murders of non-Muslims in
the district. The total number of Hindus and Sikhs was less than
seventy thousand, comprising only 13 per cent of the population,
and they resided, for the most part, in the towns of Dera Ghazi
Khan, Jampur. Rajanpur and Taunsa. In the villages a few scat¬
tered families handled the rural commerce and trade. When news
of disturbances across the Indus reached Dera Ghazi Khan and
signs of unrest began to show, these isolated pockets were vacated
and the non-Muslims moved to places of comparative safety. As
soon as they left, the Muslims looted the entire property left
behind. In some outlying villages, the n^m-Muslim residents were
attacked and forcibly converted to Islam. Those who resisted
were put to death. In a few cases, refugees travelling to Dera
Ghazi Khan or Rajanpur were attacked, on the wav, and looted
There were a few instances of arson in villages but these stopped
when someone gave currency to a supposedly official announce¬
ment that the property of the non-Muslims belonged to Pakistan
and should not be destroyed. The total loss of life in the district
was not considerable though the non-Muslims were deprived of
almost all their property. A number of girls were kidnapped and
subsequently recovered. The converted persons were, in due course,
evacuated to India under e.scort.

Almost the first outbreak of lawlessness occurred, curiously
enough, in Choti, the headquarters of the Laghari chief. It is said
that Mohammad Khan, the son of the chief, was responsible for
this disturbance. A number of non-Muslims were massacred and
the survivors were converted to Islam. Kotla Muglan was
attacked by a Muslim mob, in the beginning of September, and
five Hindus lost their lives. Many more were injured and the

210

Stern Reckoning

Hindu houses were ransacked and some of the shops were burnt
down. The remaining non-Muslim population was compelled to
embrace Islam and every one of them was circumcised. The non-
Muslim residents of Choti Zarin left their village on August 30,
leaving behind seventeen young men to look after the property.
On August 31, a Muslim mob attacked the village and killed
eight of these young men. They then burnt their bodies after
sprinkling kerosene oil on them. The Hindu shops and houses
were completely looted. The rcsitlents of the villages surround¬
ing Vahowa abandoned their homes and collected at Vahowa,
They remained there for some time and were finally escorted to
Dera Cilui/i Khan from where they were evacuated to Muzaffar-
garh and India. At Dajal forty non-Muslims lost their lives in
the course of a mob attack on September 13. A Sub-Inspector of
Police dro\e away the iaiders and escorted the survivors to Dera
Ghazi Khan in trucks. A mob attack was made on Ghajaniyan
on .September 3. rweniy-seven persons were killed and seven
injured. The arri\al of Dogra soldiers prevented the loss of
further life, and the survivors were taken to Dera Ghazi Khan.
Mamori was attacked by a Muslim mob on August 30. A number
ot person^ were killed and four girls were kidnapped. The
remaining non-Muslims were forcibly converted to Islam. Eight
days later they were rescued by the military and escorted to Dera
Gha/i Khan. The non-Muslim residents of Chah Patoli Wala ran
away to the fields on seeing a Muslim mob approaching the vil¬
lage on the evening of August 31. The Hindu houses and shops
were looted while the owners passed the night hiding in the fields,
fhe next morning they escaped to Samina from where the police
escorted them to Dera Gha/i Khan. The villages of Sulcraan,
Kasha Dhingana. Gadaic, Paro and Harnand were similarly
looted. In each vil age a few persons lost their lives and looting,
on an extensive scale, took place. In Mangrotha .Sharqi there
were about a hundred houses and a dozen shops, owned by Hindu
traders, 'fowards the end of August, the neighbouring villages
of Sokar and Buglani were attacked by the Muslims. All the
residents of Mangrotha Sharqi took fright and left the village
after locking up their shops and houses on September 3. They
took shelter in the police station Taiinsa. As soon as they had
left, their houses were broken open and looted. A goldsmith who
had remained behind was murdered. The next dayl a Daffedar
of the Ilorder Constabulary arrived and reported the matter to

The Punjab

211

the Superintendent of Police. All the residents of Mangrotha
Sharqi were safely escorted to Dera Ghazi Khan. A Hindu resi¬
dent of Basti Jhok Hafiz Nur Hassan was murdered on August 31,
and his property was looted. The next day, four of the culprits
were caught and produced before the Zaildar who reported the
matter to the police. Some of the stolen property was recovered
from the culprits. I'he arrival of the Mounted Constabulary, at
village Chorhatta. saved the non-Muslims from the assault of a
Muslim mob. Village Mehrawala was subjected to a most
brutal attack on the evening of September 3. A number of men
v\ere massacred and some women were raped. Four girls were
earned away. There vvas e.xtensive looting and burning of shops.
The survivors were compelled to accept Islam and all the males
were circumcised. Gurkha mililarv arrived the next day and
rescued the survivors.

On tlic evening of September 9 a large mob was seen
approaching Rajanpur. Gurkha military drove them away
and one of them who was wounded by a shot fired by Gurkha
soldiers, was caught and prosecuted. Near Rajanpur occurred
probably th.c worst tragedy in this district. On October 25. a
convoy of thirteen trucks, carrying more than four hundred non-
Muslims. left Rojhan for Rajanpur. The convoy was accom¬
panied by a Muslim military escort. The refugees were all
searched by the Sub-Inspector of Police before they left and
deprived of their cash and valuables. Twelve miles from Rojhan.
the convoy was attacked by a mob of Muslims. Two Advocates
of Rajanpur who had gone to Rojhan to bring out the refugees
were with the convoy, and one of them k»st his life while
trying to defend himself. In all forty-six persons from this
convoy were killed and sixty injured. Seven girls were
carried away. The military escort is alleged to have helped the
Muslim mob in attacking this convoy. A number of non-
Muslims, travelling on canielback to Vahowa, were attacked on
September 8. Nine of them were killed and their property was
looted. A lorry, containing twelve Hindus from Taunsa. was
attacked near Pir Adal and looted, in the end of October. Some
of the passengers were killed. On October 6, a lorry from Vahowa
on way to Dera Ghazi Khan w'as attacked by a Muslim mob
and seven persons were kil'cd. A lorry, travelling from Paiga to
Dera Ghazi Khan, was attacked and looted.

212

Slern Reckoning

In a number of outlying villages, there was little or no loss
of life but the residents were forcibly converted and their property
was looted.*

Bahawalpur State

Bahawalpur was a predominantly Muslim State and in the
months of April and May 1947, the news of the happenings in
Lahore, Rawalpindi and Multan and the persistent demand for
the partition of the country gave rise to a feeling of insecurity
among the non-Muslims. Large numbers of them left the State.
They, however, returned home, as the State remained peaceful
and their Muslim neighbours gave them assurances of safety. The
Ruler acceded to Pakistan and. within a few days of August 15,
attacks on non-Muslim life and property began. The Nawab was
away in England and did not return till October 1 by which date,
out of a total of two and a half lakhs non-Muslims, only about
seventy thousand were left alive in the State, Between seventy
and eighty thousand had migrated to India and the rest (one lakh)
could not be accounted for. They had either perished in the mass
massacres which took place throughout Bahawalpur or had been
forcibly converted to Islam. The Muslims proclaimed in triumph
that the loss of Muslim life in Patiala, Kapurthala and Faridkot
had been amply compensated by what happened in Bahawalpur
and felt satisfied that the measure of retribution was exemplary
rather than adequate.

Almo.st the first important event in the State was the murder
of a number of Sikh passengers at Bahavval ISagar Railway Sta¬
tion on August 19. When the noon train from Bhatinda arrived,
the Sikh passengers were dragged out and done to death in a
most brutal manner. Soon afterwards rioting broke out in the
town and, during the next few days, many stray assaults on
non-Muslims were reported. Ofi August 22. several shops in
Dhaban Bazaar were looted. On August 26, Muslim hooligans,
assisted by the military, launched a determined and large-scale

* In Ml.ws B.ital GoU'cwara. Uiidir Vahnn. Hajiuur, Kmla Shci .Mohannnad. fakra
linaiii Shth Chah Jamal Wala, Bjmi Malklnniwala, Basti Nasir. N.iushrra Sharai, Basti
Nui W.ihi Bisti Kekh. Samina. Sirangwala Sh-nninii and Udhancwil.t looting and mass
ciwcrsnms took place

In Ahmulani B.isiti Batah Imam. Chah Bhiihi'i WaU. Bindi, Bohar. BugUni, Basti
(.hhtbn Zann. Chum, raaalipur, Basti Ghali. U isn Ghuman, Hero Garbi. Haut. Kalol
Ka'an. Kohir. Kotani. Kntla Dad. Kot Mithjn, HiMi Lund Shawan. Lutcri Shamali. Basti
Mad Kasuran. Basti Man Magrahi, Mirkhar, Phaphan. Pir Adal, Pit Bakbsb Khas, Basti
Rai Khani. Basil Ranjehisala, Basti Raman, Ratera, Shniwala Shah Sadar Dm and
Vadwar Kiiiiing a one took place The residents of these villages left, out of fear, and, as
soon as ihcv had gone the Muslims looted their houses and shops.

The Punjab

213

attack on non-Muslim life and property. Curfew was imposed
on the town but this did not stop the carnage as Muslims defied
the order and roamed about the streets with impunity, killing,
looting and burning. It is estimated that over four hundred persons
were killed and many girls were kidnapped. About fifty houses
were reduced to ashes.

Travelling by train became a perilous undertaking for the
Sikhs and Hindus and attacks on trains from all parts of the Slate
W'ere reported. 'I'he news of these attacks, and, more particularly,
the murder of the Sikhs at the Bahawal Nagar Railway Station,
spread panic in the neighbouring town of Minchinabad and seve¬
ral hundred non-Muslims rushed to the railway station with their
luggage, intending to leave for India. A mob of Muslims, acaim-
panied by two Tehsil peons and the Octroi clerk, came up and
told them to go back as the Tchsildar had forbidden their depar¬
ture. The members of the mob began to carry away the luggage
and valuables of the non-Muslims who were forced to return
home, dejected and deprived of their property. Later, in the
evening, the Muslim residents of Minchinabad. assisted by the
local police, started looting Hindu shops. Looting continued on
the following day, locks on houses and shops were broken open,
cattle W'ere driven away and a state of complete lawlcssnes.s
prevailed. The Sub-Inspector of Police arrived in the evening
and tried to restore a semblance of order by firing a number of
rounds in the air. He also arrested some of the ruffians. For the
next few days there was comparative calm and the non-Muslims
began to leave the town on fool, in parties of one hundred or tw'o
hundred each. The people had to pay heavy bribes to the police
and the military escorting them. 7’he last batch of about three
hundred left on September 24. They carried their belongings in
fifty-nine bullock-carts. The convoy was stopped near the boun¬
dary of Bikaner State and subjected to a malevolent and harass¬
ing search in the course of which many valuables and ornaments
were taken away, the womenfolk were molested and one young
girl was kidnapped. A complaint was made to the Bikaner
authorities who immediately retaliated by refusing to let a Muslim
convoy go further unless the girl was restored. Fortunately wiser
counsels prevailed, the kidnapped girl was restored and both
convoys were able to proceed on their way.

Left alone to themselves, the Muslims of Minchinabad
plundered whatever was left of the non-Muslim property and
desecrated the temples and Gurdwaras.

214

Stern Reckoning

On August 18, a mob of several thousand armed Muslims
attacked the town of Allahabad. The raiders began to loot
non-Muslim shops and murder any Hindus and Sikhs they met
in the streets. A message was sent to the Hindu Tehsildar that if
the non-Muslims agreed to embrace Islam their lives would be
spared. Hurried consultations were held and it was decided to
accept the terms offered by the Muslims. Several hundred Hindus
were marched off to a selected spot and converted to Islam. The
next day a Muslim State official arrived and enquired if the Hindus
had agreed to be converted of their own free will. His attitude
appeared to be sympathetic and the Hindus replied that they had
been forced to do so. On this the Muslims prepared to attack the
converts, but the Slate official arrested the leader of the hooligans
and ordered his troops to open fire on the Muslims if they
attempted to create a disturbance. The non-Muslims were taken to
a camp and finally evacuated.

Mitti Roya was attacked, on August 20, by a Muslim mob.
assisted by the State forces. About twenty non-Muslims were
killed and ten wounded. Their houses were plundered. Further
mischief was stopped by the arrival of some British military
officers.

A mob of a thousand armed Muslims invaded village Goth
Mehro and called upon the non-Muslims to hand over all their
cash and valuable.'.. When this demand was complied lyith, the
Muslims fell upon the unfprtunate victims of this robbery and
began to butcher them. Some women jumped into a well and
committed suicide .A number of villageis ran away and concealed
themselves in the fields outside. Looting and killing continued
till midnight and was resumed in the morning. Over two hundred
non-Muslims perished in the course of this holocaust. The few
remaining survivors w'cre ceremoniously converted to Islam. The
young boys were circumcised, i*bcef was cooked and served to
everyone.

fn Khankah Mubarak about six hundred non-Muslims were
killed. Their shrines were desecrated, and nearly a hundred girls
were carried aw'ay. The mother of a young boy ran up to save him
and offered all her ornaments to a murderous ruffian. The man
took the ornaments and. with a bestial laugh, hacked the boy to
pieces with his hatchet before the eyes of his mother.

A Muslim Sub-Inspector of Police from Ferozepore came to
Mandi Sadiq Ganj. on August 20, and spread the news that he had

The Punjab

215

been driven out of his home, and the Sikhs had desecrated the
mosques by tying their horses inside them. This* story, coming a
day after the massacre of Sikh passengers at Bahawal Nagar, was
the signal for a mass attack on non-Muslim life and property
which continued for four days. The Muslim military took part in
this assault and shot many unoffending Hindus and Sikhs who
tried to run away from the town. The Gurdwaras and temples
were desecrated. All non-Muslim houses, shops and factories were
ruthlessly pillaged.

In Bahawalpur itself, signs of unrest wcmc witnessed towards
the end of August. A Muslim mob collected in front of the house
of the Education Minister and. from there, proceeded to the temple
of Sanwal Shah. The mob was led by a butcher, Bakhsha, who
rode on ht)rscback'. When the mob arrived in front of the temple,
Bakhsha got down and murdered the temple Pujari. The mob then
went back to the city and broke the images in the Kalladhari
remple. News of disturbances in other parts of the State began
to arrive and it was rumoured that a mass attack on the
non-Muslims of Bahawalpur had been planned for September
1.'^. A Peace Committee consisting of members of all communities
had tried to maintain calm in the town but, on .September 12. the
Muslim members did not attend the meeting of this Committee.
The next da\ it was reported that Muslim tailors had removed
their sewing machines from Hindu shops where they were usually
kept. At 9 p.m. shouting was heard from the mosque in C'how'k
Ba/aar. Soon afterwards fires were seen rising from a number of
non-Muslim houses. The owners who ran out of the burning
houses were shot by the military. The disturbances became more
widespread and increased in intensity on the follow'ing two days,
and for the space of three days murder, loot and arson went on in
the town of Bahawalpur. It is estimated that nearly one thousand
non-Muslims lost their lives and two thousand more were injured.
About forty shops and houses were destroyed by fire. The
surviving non-Muslims were then taken to a camp and finally
evacuated to India.

The worst incident in Bahawalpur State was the massacre of
a convoy of Sikhs which left Bhattian Camp on September 26.
There were over two thousand men, women and children living
in the camp and, w'hen it was found impossible to evacuate them
by train, a fool convoy, in charge of a Magistrate and a military
escort, commanded by a Muslim Colonel, was arranged. The
convoy left for Jcsalmer Stale. At the first halt, the military escort

216

Stern Reckoning

cojiductcd a wholly unauthorized search for valuables and cash.
The refugees resisted and the military opened fire upon them.
About forty persons were killed. The convoy then.proceeded on
its way and, when they arrived at the boundary of Jesalmer State,
they were stopped and all the women and girls were separated.
1 he refugees were then completely looted and the men were left
to continue their journey to Jesalmer. They were told to be on
their guard and warned against a possible attack by the Hurs who
might be lying in wait for them. The goat-skins containing the
drinking water of the refugees were bayoneted by the soldiers so
that they found themselves without any water for their long
journey through the desert. A few hours earlier, the Colonel in
charge of the escort had sent forward a number of soldiers who
concealed themselve.s round the route of the convoy. When the
refugees entered Jesalmer, the soldiers, lying in ambush, opened fire
upon them and the refugees were told that they were being attacked
by the Hurs. I'he remaining escort, on the pretext of shooting at the
Hurs. began to shoot the refugees and almost the entire caravan
was decimated in this manner. The women and girls were taken
away and the Officer Commanding received a considerable portion
of the loot and the best-looking kidnapped girls. The Magistrate
was later suspended and the Commanding Officer taken into
custody. He was soon afterwards released and no further action
was taken against him.

Hasilpur was another place where the loss of non-Muslim
life was very great. I'he village was attacked, cm August 26. by a
huge Muslim mob wfio killed more than four hundred non-Muslims
and set fire to almo.st the entire non-Muslim property. Many
young girls were kidnapped. Of these some were later returned.
The .survivors were forcibly converted to Islam. They were
eventually rescued by a British^officcr. There were many villages
in which there was little or no loss of life as the non-Muslims
were completely overpowered and. at once, agreed to be converted
to Islam.*

* Chik 123 1 '. .\lH'gcd to h-i\c been tomnlciclv looted alter the non-Muslims hat! left.

In the followinit tilhiites ther^ was no loss o) life Jnd the non-Muslims weic converted
to I\l.ini ■

.\blrfni Asbani. Asrani. Bchli. Bhinda Sam.id Khan. Bhinda Shahra Lakhvern, Bunga
Baloelrin. C'h.-ik No 10, Chak No 11. Chak .No 360R. Chak No. 147, Chak No. 169,
Chbina Deda. Ghulam A'.i. Chilian Arain, Goth All. Goth Lai, Inayati. Jhandani, Jbangi
Wall. Jhok Cola, Kaiira Bhiiina. Kilaniwala. Kirpi^l. Kukara. Maharan Sharif Marhi Jethl.
Mtschi W.11I. Mohammad Pur. Miibar.tkpiir. Naharwali. Nurpnr, Nurpur N.auranga, Pallah,
Rath.ir. Shahr Parid, Sheikhwahen. Sultanaratn. Tibbi Sehaian and Zohrkot.

Why didst thou promise such a bcayteous day.
And make me travel forth without my cioak.

Vo let base clouds o'ertake me in my ivay
Hiding thy bravery in their rotten smoke"!

Tis not enough that through the cloud thou break.
To dry the ravi on rny storm-beaten face.

For no man loell of such a salve can .speak
That heals the wound and cures not the disgrace:
Nor can thy shame gwe physic to my grief:

Though thou repent, yet I hniie still the loss:

The offender's sorrow lends but weak relief
To him that bears the strong offence's cross.

Ah, but those tears are pearl which thy love sheds.
And they are rich and ransom all ill deeds.

William Shakespkahe —Sonnets

C HAPTER FOUR

EXODUS

Thj Muslim League demand for Pakistan was based on the
hjpothesis that Hindus and Muslims constitute two separate
nations, each entitled to a separate and exclusive homeland where
thc> would be free to develop their culture, tradition, religion and
polit> On any other ground, the partition ol the country and the
setting up of d separate independent Slate for the Muslims would
have been indefensible But the two-nation theory brought the
problem of minorities into greater prominence than ever before,
and partition, instead of offering a solution, made it even more
difficult and more comphcaled Mo matter where the line of
demarcation were drawn, there would be Hindus, Muslims and
Sikhs on cithei side of it. in a maioiity ot in a substantial
minoiity, and, whatever the geographical boundaiies of Pakistan,
large numbers of Hindus and Sikhs would, overnight, become
aliens and foieigncis m their own homes Mi Jinnah made
desperate cflorts to evade the issue by piomising protection and
tights of citi/enship to the ininoiities, but the nature of his
demand was wholly inconsistent with these promises. How could
millions of foreigners acquire rights ot citizenship and equal status
with the nationals of Pakistan , and if they could, why divide
India why not let Muslims continue as nationals of India ^ Mr.
Jinnah could rtnd no answer to thesie questions and he was finally
compelled to suggest an exchange of population. This was such
a fantastic idea that he icfeircd to it. first, in a vague and
hesitating manner, as if he were doing no more than throwing out
a feeler to watch the leactions it brought forth. All he said was:
“It IS possible that there will have to be exchange of population
if It can be done on a purely voluntary basis.”* No one took Mr.
Jinnah seriously and. for a year, very little was said about the
possibility contemplated by him To the Muslim League, however,
it was a mattei of great urgency as it offered a complete answer
to the opponents of Pakistan. Exchange on a voluntary basis was
an impossibility The non-Muslims of the Punjab, North-West
Frontier Province, Sind and Bengal could never consent to leave
their lands, the industry and commerce they had built up with

* Mr Jinnah's Interview to the Special Correspondent of the Associated Press of India
on December 10. I94S, published m Dawn of December 12 1945

220

Stem Reckoning

their money and labour, and become beggars and nomads to satisfy
a whim of Mr. Jinnah's: nor would the Muslims of the United
Provinces, Bombay, Madras, Bihar and Central Provinces be
willing to abandon their native soil, give up everything they owned
and made life worth living, and migrate to .distant lands. Human
beings take moral and cultural roots in the soil where they live
and prosper for generations, and the ties that bind them to the
native village and town are not easily severed. The dream of
exchanging populations on a voluntary basis was impossible of
realization and the Muslim League had to find another way of
resolving the difficulty.

The Calcutta experiment did not produce very satisfactory
results but it achieved a certain measure of success in that large
numbers of non-Muslims were intimidated into leaving their
homes even though for a temporary period. The experience
gained, proved useful in Noakhali and Tippera. A change of
tactics, better organization and more favourable conditions en¬
abled the Muslim League to strike terror into the hearts of the
non-MusIims, destroy their property, their self-respect and the
honour of their women, and convert them wholesale to Islam.
This was a more effective way of dealing with the minorities and
obviated the difficulties involved in an exchange of population.
Ihe events in Bihar compelled many Muslims to leave the pro¬
vince and seek shelter in Sind, and the question ot exchange arose
once again. U was now taken up by the League leaders and put
forward in all seriousness and with ail the vehemence at their
command. They became more and more uncompromising on
this issue and answered all criticism by uttering scarcely veiled
threats, and predicted a horrible doom for those who disagreed
with them. On November 25, 1946. Mr. Jinnah, addressing a
Press Conference at Karachi expressed the opinion that “the
authorities, both Central and Provincial, should take up immedi¬
ately the question of exchange of population.”* This brought forth
a storm of protest from non-Muslims all over India. Sir ChimanJal
Setalvad, the Liberal leader, described the idea as “hopelessly
impracticable.” Sardar Swaran Singh said, “the Sikhs in the
Punjab would not tolerate any move to this end.” Sardar Patel,
addressing the Nagpur University Convoeation, characterized
Mr. Jinnah’s proposal as “absurd” and one which “can never
materialize.” The Muslim League leaders, on the other hand.

♦ Dawn , Noi.ember 26. 1946

Exodus

221

expressed their wholehearted approval of the scheme. Khan
Iftikhar Hussain Khan of Mamdot declared, with great enthusiasm,
that “the exchange of population offered a most practical solution
of the multifarious problems ” of the Muslims. “ We are not going
to ask Sardar Patel or Dr. Khare for it, but we will get it by our
own inherent strength. The exchange of population will wipe out
the most important argument against Pakistan which has been
persistently fired from the Congress armoury.”* The frank
avowal and the unabashed threat, implicit in this utterance, wefc
hardly calculated to inspire ainfidence in the minorities. Pir
llahi Bux, the, Sind leader, said he “ welcomed an exchange of
population for the safety of minorities” as such an exchange
would put an end to all communal disturbances. 1 Sir Evan
Jenkins, the Governor of the Punjab, observed that by advocating
an exchange of population the Muslim League was thinking of
forcibly driving away the Hindus from the Punjab. This brought
forth a protest from Raja Ghaznafar Ali Khan. “This is cer¬
tain!)- not so.” he said, “the Muslim League will do everything
possible to protect the minorities living in the Muslim majority
areas and will even be prepared to give what help is possible for
anv plans of strengthening the sense of security among Hindus
where they happen to be living as a scattered minority.” But,
lest his professions of sympathy were misconstrued, he added
darkl). “After what has happened, the present position cannot
be accepted with equanimity and minorities which are too
scattered and helpless owing to the smallness of their numbers
must not be left as a tempting prey to those who can arrange
organized lawlessness.

Sii Fcro/c Khan Noon had already threatened to re-enact
the murderous orgies of C’hangez Khan and Halaqu Khan if the
non-Muslims took up a refractory attitude.§ Everything was
now ready and, in the month of January 1947, the agitation against
the Punjab Coalition Ministry was started. We have seen in the
previous chapter how it promoted lawlessness and utter disregard
of authority, and provided an opportunity for the Muslim League
to organize their forces and rehearse the great putsch which
would solve the problem of minorities once and for all. The
agitation culminated in the resignation of the Khizar Ministry and
when the prospect of a League Government provoked the Sikh

• Dawn, Dcembcr 3 !94<> t l>mn DLLumber 4, 1946.

t Doh’R, December I9 1946

% Speech at the Convention nC the Muslim Iciitue legislators on April 9, 1946

222

Stern Reckoning

leaders into giving vent to their anger and fears in some¬
what stupid and boastful words, their utterances were made the
excuse for launching a bloody assault on non-Muslim life and
property. The Sikhs had opposed the partition of India with
even greater vigour than the Hindus, because they felt that as a
community they could only expect disaster in Pakistan ; it was,
therefore, against the Sikhs that the spear-point of the Muslim
League attack was first aimed. In the March riots, the Sikhs of
Rawalpindi faced annihilation and large numbers of them left the
district. Within a few weeks almost the entire Sikh population
(save those who were killed or converted) had migrated from the
district. On a somewhat smaller scale a movement of the Hindus
from Multan, Jhelum, Attock and Bahawalpur also took place.
S<.)me of these non-Muslims went back when peaceful conditions
were restored during the months of April, May, June and July.

In Lahore and Amritsar the cauldron of hate and communal
passion continued to <>immer and boil. In May riots broke
out once again with redoubled fury. 1 he Sikhs had asked for the
partition of the Puniab and the Congress leaders had taken the
matter up with the Viceroy and Mr. Jmnah. There was a danger
that Pakistan might lose Lahore, as the Sikhs were agitating for
the Chenab as the boundary line between the two countries. The
battle for Lahore thus began in May and continued unabated till
the city was e'ear of non-Muslims. Persons residing inside the
ailed city were stabbed and intimidated, their habitations were
destroyed by lire. Homeless and deprived of the means of
livelihood, many of them began to lea\e the city and the volume
of exodus increased day by day, till it became a pitiable and
ignominious .stampede in the month of August.

Towards the end of July, signs of unre.st began to manifest
themselves* in Amritsar and the neighbouring villages. Refugees
from West Punjab had been foj; months relating their sufferings
and losses. Tale.s of misery, anguish and horror received wide
currency. Indignation and resentment went on mounting till they
passed the limits of human endurance. Every day brought fre.sh
cause for revenge and retaliation The storm of rage bottled up
for so long burst forth in the beginning of August and the Sikhs
began t<i attack the Muslims in the rural areas. In the city of
Amritsar, ttie loss of Muslim life sVu'- a’most equal to the loss of
non-Muslim life during May and June, though non-Muslims
sustained considerably heavier losses in property. In l.ahore, too.

Muslim refugees from West Punjab

Exodus

223

the non-Muslims had begun to hit back and the Rashtriya Swayam
Sewak Sangh volunteers boasted that they had saved many lives
by taking the offensive in some cases. There, however, the non-
Muslims were fighting a losing battle as the Muslim magistracy
and police were openly supporting the Muslim League hooligans
and giving acti\c assistance to them in every possible way. On
August 11, another determined and. what proved to be the
conclusive, attack was launched on the non-Muslims of Lahore.
The exchange of population had begun in grim earnest and was
going to be achieved by the “ inherent strength ” of the Muslims.
A two-way traffic of men. women and children, hounded out of
their homes and running to seek shelter in unknown lands, started
and continued for several months. None but those who have
tra\oiled In a refugee train or seen a foot caravan on its slow and
interminable inarch can gauge the magnitude of the problems
which the Government of India and the Go\ernment of East
Punjab had to cope with, or the difficulties of transporting, feeding,
housing, looking after and providing medical aid to four million
people.

The exodus gathered volume and iiiomenlum so rapidly that
It took some time to organize the machinery for protecting and
transporting the refugees and putting it in effective working order.
All over West Punjab non-Muslims felt the urgency of leaving
Pakistan where, within a da> or two, conditions of life became
impossible and destruction was the only alternative left. From
hamlets and villages the people ran like hunted animals to seek
shelter in towns where they hoped to find safety, in large numbers.
They were not permitted to take their cattle, their household
effects or their cherished belongings. On the way they were
harassed, scaiched and looted ; their young women W’ere molested
and eanied a\\a> Those w'ho had the misfortune of living in
outlying p'aces and isolated pockets found escape impossible. In
the towns and cities large concentrations of refugees grew up,
and hundreds of thousands of them watched and wailed, huddled
together in camps like herds of cattle. Food and drink were
denied them and they were subjected to frequent attacks. From
large Milages started foot caravans on the long and perilous
journey to the Dominion of India, Some of these caravans were
more than a mile long, and progressed slowly, in their long march,
from Sagoilha, Lyallpur, Montgomery, Balloki on to Ferozepore.
From other places evacuation was undertaken by train and motor

224

Stern Reckoning

'lorry. The supply of rolling stock was inadequate and accom¬
modation was extremely limited. Every train was packed inside
and outside ; people climbed on to the roof and sat balanced
precariously on the curved surface. They stood on the footboards*
clinging to door-handles, exposed to the hazards of a shower of
stones or a volley of bullets. For hours the trains were stopped,
for no ostensible reason, while the passengers suffered the agonies
of exposure to the sweltering heal of the sun. No food was
■ provided, water was unobtainable, and if anyone left the train,
for any purpose, he ran the risk of not being able to return alive.
Small children and infants died of thirst and starvation. When
babies in arms cried for a drop of water till no sound came from
their parched throats, fathers and mothers in despair gave them
their own urine to drink. 1 rain after train was attacked by bands
of hooligans and armed National Guards, assisted by Baluch sol¬
diers who had been sent as protectors. Evacuation by motor lorries
and trucks was neither safer nor more comfortable. The trucks
were for the most part roofless transport vans, and the passengers
had to stand so that more of them could be accommodated. They
travelled thus for hours, along roads infested by murderous gangs.
The trucks were frequently attacked and looted. In the foot
caravans, decrepit old men and women, unable to withstand the
rigours of a long and painful march, lay down by the roadside and
expired without uttering a groan till the whole route was littered
with bloated and putrefying corpses, animal and human skeletons.
There was no time t<^ pause and grieve over the dead ones. The
caravan had to march on a caravan of a defeated people in flight.

Jt was of this exodus that Mr. Jinnah spoke in his tirade
against the non-Muslims. “ We have been the victims of a
deeply-laid and well-planned conspiracy, executed with utter dis¬
regard of the elementary principles of honesty, chivalry and
honour.” To his own people he sajj^l: ‘‘Do not for a moment
imagine that your enemies can ever succeed in their designs, but
at the same time do not make light of the situation facing you....
You have only to develop the spirit of the mujahids''

T’here was no co-operation from the officials of the West
Punjab Government. Complaints were made that the rolling
stock of the trains carrying Muslim refugees from East Punjab
W'as not returned m full. West-bound trains normally consisted
of twenty-five bogies drawn by two engines. The trains, sent back,
contained only twelve bijgies drawn by one engine. Unauthorized

Exodus

225

searches continued at all places in spite of Inter-Dominion agree¬
ments to the contrary. In Sind, the Premier openly repudiated
the authority of the Central Government to prohibit searches.
The personnel of the escort was too frequently Muslim* in whom
the refugees had no confidence. Their fears were often justified.
Insufficient food was supplied to camps and to the refugees on
the march. The Government of India did all they could to
alleviate the sufferings of their people. Aeroplanes carried food¬
stuffs to feed the starving refugees. On September 9, six Dakotas
loaded with provisions were sent. On October 2, 32,000 lbs. of
food were dropped, on October 17 and 18, 12,138 lbs. and on
October 21 and 22, 24,924 lbs. of food were dropped.

As an instance of the difficulties encountered by the Liaison
Agency in evacuating outlying pockets of non-Muslims and the
lack of co-operation from Pakistan officials, the story of how the
non-Muslims of Isakhel were evacuated may be narrated.f
Tsakhcl lies beyond the Indus at a distance of about fifty miles
from Ka'a Bagh. It is near the border and not far from tribal
territory. When disturbances began in the various districts of
West Punjab some Hindus of Isakhel decided to send their
families to India, while they themselves remained behind to look
after their lands and business. As the situation deteriorated and
transport difliculiics increased, the relatives in India became
anxious for the safety of those who had been left in Isakhel and
sent persistent appeals to the Government of India asking them to
bring out these unfortunate persons. The Chief Liaison Officer
accompanied by Brigadier Keenen paid a visit to Mianwali and
contacted the Deputy Commissioner. The Chief Liaison Officer
told him that he wanted to see the local conditions for himself
and make arrangements for the evacuation of the Hindus of
Isakhel. The Deputy Commissioner disapproved of the Liaison
Officer’s proposal and said that all the Hindus of Isakhel had
been voluntarily converted to Islam and that none of them wished
to go to India. He offered to show the Liaison Officer statements
of converted Hindus, recorded by a First Class Magistrate. The
Deputy Commissioner added that any attempt to rescue these
men was fraught w'ith the greatest danger and that he would not
be responsible if anything untoward happened. The tribesmen,
returning from Mirpur (Jammu State), were present in the area

* See an insuncc oi this on paxe 144.

t The account has been ptenared horn the records of the Chief Liaison OlGcer

226

Stern Reckoning

and they would resist any attempt to take the converts away.
According to Islam, the tribesmen believed, a converted person
was liable to sulfcr death if he became apostate and anyone
attempting to reclaim such a converted man was subject to the
same penalty. The Liaison Officer, however, insisted on going
to the spot himself and the Deputy Commissioner had to agree.
When Brigadier Kccncn approached the Pakistan Commander at
Mianwali for help in procuring transport, similar objections were
raised and the Pakistan Commander insisted that the Hindus in
Isakhcl had no right to be evacuated even if they expressed a
wish to go to India. Finally, however, the Commander was
prevailed upon to place a few trucks at the disposal of the Liaison
Officer.

Leaving Mianwali early m the morning, the parly arrived at
Lsakhcl at about noon. Anticipating the difficulty of establishing
contact with the Hindu converts in Isakhel, a do/cn intelligent men
from Mianwali had been taken with the party. On arris al at
Isakhe*. these men were sent out into the city to warn the Hindu
converts that Indian troops under Hindu officers had arrived to
rescue them, and that now was the opportunity for them to e.scape.
'Fhe information received by the Liaison Agency was that the
converts had been frightened and intimidated to such an extent
that, whenever any enquiry was made from them regarding their
desire to go to India, they always replied in the negative. Ihey
feared that if they set out on a journey they would be robbed and
butchered on the way. The information conveyed by the men
from Mianwali, however, reassured them and the converts pre¬
pared to leave lsakhcl. Objections were raised by the local
Commander and the Nawabs of Isakhcl who said that the
converts did not wish to be evacuated. The Commander came
forward with a proposal that the representatives of the Hindu
converts were present and wished to speak to the Liaison Officer
and Brigadic! Kccncn The Liaison Officer, however, replied that
the officers of the Indian Dominion had no intention of holding
a discussion with the converts or interviewing them. Their orders
were simply to have it notified in the city, by beat of drum, that
those who were willing to be evacuated should come out and no
persiiasiivn of any kind was to be allowed. The Liaison Officer
learnt that the Deputy C'ommissioner had warned the Commander
of his visit and that arrangements had been made to tutor some
of the converts. The Deputy Commissioner had agreed to

Exodus

227

promulgate section 144 of the Criminal Procedure Code in the
city, and all residents were required to remain indoors for the
whole day. Before the Liaison Officer entered the city, the local
Commander of Pakistan troops tried to impose a condition that
Indian troops should not enter the city and only Pakistan troops
should bring the Hindu converts from the city area. The Liaison
Officer did not agree as the whole object of his visit to Isakhel
would have been defeated by the acceptance of this condition.
Finally, it was agreed that the Pakistan and Indian troops would
act jointly and enter the city together. A man chosen from the
Indian Army and one from the Pakistan Army were accordingly
sent in pairs. The Liaison Officer, accompanied by Brigadier
Kcencn, himself made a round of the citv and saw that, on the roof
of every second house, an armed tribesman and a member of the
Muslim League National Guard with a rifle were present. Their
object was to terrify the Hindu converts and not allow them to
exercise their free will. The information given by the men from
Mianwali and the presence of Indian troops, however, reassured
the converts and in about two hours almost every man, woman
and child, with as much luggage as they could carry, came out of
the city and were placed in trucks waiting near the city wall. The
local officers did not provide transport of an> kind .so that these
unfortunate people could on’y take with them what thc\ could
themselves carry. In this manner six hundred and thirtv-four
persons were rescued.

The convoy, escorted by Indian and Pakistan troops, left
Isakhel at about 5 p.m. When the convoy was near village Oamar
Mushani, between Kala Bagh and Isakhel, it was waylaid and
fired at by a crowd of Muslims. The Gurkha troops returned the
fire, killing half a dozen men. Fortunatelv the convoy reached
Mianwali without further mishap.

'I he District Liaison Officer of Montgomery had a most
distressing experience when he went to evacuate some non-Muslims
from vil'age Harditpur on July 19, 1948. riie Liaison Officer
was escorted by two Muslim foot constables while a Hindu driver
was in charge of the car in which he travelled. At the village a
large number of people assembled, among whom were some .sepoys
of the Pakistan Boundary Police. 1 he District Liaison Officer was
stopped by lhc.se sepoys and told not to talk with the non-Muslims
whom he h^d come to evacuate. The sepoys then conducted
him and his party to the Jemadar, and reported that Hindus had

228 Stern Reckoning

entered the boundary of Pakistan without permits. The Liaison
Officer informed the Jemadar who he was. but the Jemadar was
not satisfied and proceeded to arrest him, his escort and the driver
of his car. The Jemadar then searched the party and removed
cash and other articles which he found. The Muslim constables
of the escort were disarmed and their ammunition was taken
away, f’he Liaison Officer was conducted to village Makhana
and produced before an officer who finally allowed him to go
away. The non-Muslims could not be evacuated.

There were several attacks on refugee trains. Some of these
have been refcricd to in Chapter Three. A train which left Find
Dadan Khan on September 19. was attacked at three different
points of its joutney and the loss of life and property suffered was
considerable. Near Chalisa the train was stopped by a Muslim
mob which carried away nearly two hundred women and killed
a large number of men and women. It was attacked a second time
near Mughalpur and a third time at Harbanspura. The attack at
Miighd'pura li>ok place at about noon. Hundreds of people were
seen inarching along the canal bank to waylay the train and attack
the pas.sengers. The authorities did not stop or discourage them
and look no preventative action.

On September 24, a refugee train from Wah was attacked
near Wazirabad. The train was diverted towards Sialkot as its
journey to Lahore was considered unsafe. A mile from Wazirabad
it w'as derailed and a Muslim mob came out of the surrounding
fields and attacked the passengers The Hindu escort drove the
mob away and the train w'as brought back to Wazirabad. At
Wazirabad the tram was subjected to incessant firing during the
night and many refugees were killed.

On October 23, a large batch of non-Muslim refugees left
Sialkot by train. The track beyond Jassar was out of order and
the District Liaison Officer, Sialkot, informed the Deputy Com¬
missioner that It was inadvisable to send refugees by this train
as they would have to leave the train and continue the journey
on foot through territory infested by Muslim hooligans. The
Deputy Commissioner, however, insisted on sending the train and,
at Jassai, all the refugees had to get down and start walking. The
convoy had proceeded foi half a mile when it was attacked by
a large mob of armed Muslims who had been hiding in the
sugarcane fields. The attack continued for two hours and the
refuge- ran in all directions to save themselves. The military

Exodus

229

escort instead of defending the refugees began to shoot at them.
One of the Sikh guards was shot dead. A number of women were
raped at the spot and many young girls were kidnapped. The
entire property of the refugees was looted and many of them
reached the Indian border, deprived even of the clothes they had
been wearing. A conservative estimate places the number of
persons killed at five hundred and the number of girls kidnapped
at two hundred and fifty. About five hundred persons were
injured. A military officer who flew over the place where the attack
took place saw the whole area Uttered with rags and dead bodies.

The attack on a train of refugees from Bannu, at the Gujrat
Railway Station in January 1948, icsulted in another horrible
massacre of non-Muslims. Two trains carrying about two
thousand and four hundred non-Muslims left Bannu on January
10. When the trains arrived at Mari Indus the passengers were
transferred to one train which left on the morning of the 11th.
At Khushab the train was stopped tor four hours, and the reason
given was that the route via Sargodha and Lyallpur was unsafe,
and arrangements were, therefore, being made for the train to
run via Lalamusa and Gujrat. The train ultimately left Khushab
at 7 p.m. It arrived at Gujrat at 11-30 p.m It was escorted
by a contingent of the Bihar Regiment consisting of a Sikh C aptain
and sixty soldiers. The driver of the train was a Muslim. At the
Gujrat Railway Station the engine was disconnected and driven
off. In the dead of night, two sepoys of the escort who went to
get water from a tap were attacked by Pathans. One of them
was killed and the other was injured ; the guns of both were taken
away. Soon afterwards the tram was fired at. The military
escort replied and firing continued till the morning when the escoit
found that their ammunition was exhausted. A mob of between
two thousand and three thousand armed Pathans now attacked
the train. Windows and doors were broken open. The
passengers were dragged out and done to death. The train was
ransacked and thoroughly looted. The number of persons killed
was not less than five hundred. The passengers were well-to-do
Hindus from Bannu and they had brought a large quantity of
valuables with them. It was said that this attack had been care¬
fully planned and that the train was deliberately brought to Gujrat
where armed Pathans in large numbers were present. In was also
said that the Pir of Manki Sharif was at that time in Gujrat and
was seen supervising and directing the attack.

230

Stern Reckoning

One of the worst attaclcs on a lorry convoy took place neat
Lahore on August 26. 1947. A convoy of thirty-five military
trucks, packed with non-Muslim refugees, left Sialkot in the morn¬
ing. The convoy was in charge of a British officer and Muslim
military. The lorries arrived at the Chhota Ravi bridge at 2 p,m.
and were stopped. The British olliccr went back to Sialkot
saying that he had to report there for duty. The Muslim lorry
drivers went away on the pretext of taking tea. At about 4 p.m.
a large mob of Muslims armed with spears and hatchets attacked
the trucks. The Muslim sepoys took no steps to beat off this
attack and no one from Lahore came to the assistance of the
non-Muslims. There was heavy loss of life and when the trucks
finally reached Amritsar they were found to contain large numbers
of dead bodies and injured persons. Lorries and trucks travelling
alone or in twos or threes were frequently attacked. As late as
Ju'v 1948 travelling by lorry' on roads in West Punjab was wholly
unsafe

A fimt con\o> of more than five thousand persons left
Lyallpur on September 11, 1<^47. It was escorted by Muslim
military. It arrived at Bal'oki Head on September 15, and was
attacked by a Muslim mob. The escort joined the mob and
began to shoot the refugees indiscriminately. It is estimated that
nearly a thousand persons lost their lives. A huge convoy, nearly
six miles in length, was attacked at various points of its journey.
The refugees m tins convoy were without food for days together
and, but for the provisions supplied by the Government of India,
most of them might have perished on the way.

The kidnapping of young women and the treatment to which
they were subjected constitute a sordid chapter in the histoy of
human relations. Poor innocent girls, young married women,
sometimes with infants in their arms, were forcibly taken away
to distant places. They were molested and raped, passed on
from man to man. bartered and sold like cheap chattel. Some¬
times it was impossible to trace their whereabouts. When
representatives of the Indian Dominion went to recover them
they were concealed and denied access to their relations. Large
numbers of them, when recovered, were brought to a refugee camp
at Kunjah. Conditions in this camp beggar description. A young
woman of 21, describing her experiences, said: “I stayed in the
camp for two months. Camp life was very miserable. We were
given chappatis full of lime and were constantly molested by the

Exodus

231

soldiers. Maulvis used to come and preach to us against the
Indian Dominion. They told us that we would go to heaven if
we lived with them. They said that it was foolish on our part
to go to India as flour was selling there at Rs. 5 per seer, salt at
Rs. 10 per seer and the difiicultics of obtaining cloth were
insurmountable. According to them the Sikhs were not allowing
Hindu girls to go beyond Amritsar and were raping them and
cutting up their hearts." A party of young women who were
brought to the camp said. “We reached the camp on the
fifteenth day. It was nothing less than hell 'I he flour was mixed
with lime and drinking water smelt so foul that it made us ill to
drink it. When the Muslims gave us food they taunted us by
saying that the> were feeding witches. Sick children were given
wrong medicines and some of them became blind and died as
the result of the poisons given to them. The military guards
brought their friends at night and molested the young girls in the
camp. They pinched oui bicasls and made mde.ent )okes , those
who were pregnant were shot down One day a man caught me by
my breast and dragged me When I moaned and wailed he kicked
me and then left me to weep. A young girl of 14 oi 15 sleeping by
my side was dragged away and raped. When she resisted they
kicked her. Hei face in the morning looked as it it had been
scratched by a knife." A young woman who was forcibly married
to a Muslim named Sultan said: “ Whenever Sultan came to know
of the arrival of the Indian military he would take me out and hide
me in pits which were com led from above, leaving very little space
for breathing air. Thus he deceived the military several times.
One day, the military reached the station unawares. Sultan locked
me up in the house and went out. The soldiers called out loudly
that if there was any Hindu woman about she should come out.
I peeped out of a window and, seeing the soldiers, became
frightened, but their assurances convinced me. 1 was taken out
of the house through that window and brought to l.ahorc."

In some rare instances the girls had the good fortune of
receiving kind treatment. There is, at least, one recorded case of .i
Muslim willingly escorting his Hindu wife to the military camp
and making her over to her relatives. A young woman of 22
who was travelling with a foot convoy from Lyallpur said:
“ When I grew up I found myself an orphan. The people with
whom I was living sold me to an old man named Tara Singh. He
married me for the purpose of having children and paid Rs. 500

232

Stern Reckoning

for me. He treated me kindly. When the convoy left Lyallpur
we all (omed it. The military had robbed us of everything before
we left our house. First they took away our arms, then our valu¬
ables On the way, 1 was separated from my people. 1 saw men
being murdered and women being raped on the wayside. If some¬
one protested he was killed. One woman was raped by many
men I was a!so raped by three men in succession. A man. at
last, took me to his house and kept me there for eight days. He
treated me in a beastly manner. He subjected me to physical
torture, forced cow bones into my mouth so that 1 should be con¬
verted to Islam, and, when 1 objected, he thrashed me and made
me lie under his bed. He put my hands under the charpoy legs
and sat down on it to say his prayers. He asked me to repeat the
prayers while 1 suffered agonies of pain. When 1 could not pro¬
nounce the words he uttered, he threatened to shoot me with his
gun. After eight days of this torture, the military recovered me.
I was taken to Amritsar and then brought to the Gandhi Vanita
Ashram." The Lady Fact Finding Officer who took the statement
of this unfortunate woman noticed that the extent of her suffering
had unbalanced her mind.

A young girl of 12 gave the following story: “The news of
the communal troubles in the cities used to frighten us, but the
villagers always said, ‘Let us wait till the 15th of August and
then we will go away’ Trouble came to the neighbouring
villages and then my relations collected a group of people and we
came out of the village. We had gone only a little way when a
mob of Muslims attacked us 1 was stabbed in five places. Many
people were killed and many ran away. I was separated from my
parents. When I recovered my senses 1 saw two boys of my age
l}ing neat me and eight or nine dead bodies. The boys and I
were bleeding. We got up and started to go towards the village.
A Muslim, Wazir by name, caugfft me, took me to his village and
left me with his sister. I did what his sister told me while Wazir
used to go out to attack other villages. Wazir then sent me to his
relatives in another village. I became ill and the women in that
house were kind to me. When I recovered, the master of the house
wanted to marry me. His first wife told me privately not to obey
the priest even if 1 were beaten or threatened. I did what she
said and when the priest went away the man gave me a good
beating. The old man came to my bed, scratched my face and
removed my clothes. I cried out for help to the mistress of the.

Exodus

233

house, but the man did not listen to her. She then brought her son,
and, bearing his voice, the old man left me. After a few days the
old man’s son sent me to Sir Ganga Ram Hospital at Lahore
with a Muslim, but that Muslim look me to the Lahore Jail where
many Hindu girls were living at that time. In the evening the wife
of Anwar, a Muslim, took me to her house. She had two more
girls staying with her already. All three of us used to sleep in
one room. Anwar's wife told me that she would marry me to
her son when he finished his studies. He was then reading in
the ninth class. 1 stayed in this house for two months. My father
was looking for me in Lahore. The military one day came and
surrounded the house and rescued me.”

Slowly and step by step, the situation was brought under
control as the Civil Administration and the Military Evacuation
Organization mobilized their resources. There were fatal and
agonising delays in procuring transport and escorts, in sending
help to the isolated pockets in outlying areas, in searching out
the kidnapped women. The Government had to labour against
heavy odds. Unprecedented floods broke down the lines of com¬
munication. Portions of the railway track in East Punjab were
washed away, roads were damaged beyond repair, telephone and
telegraph systems were frequently out of order. All the while,
refugees in distress continued to make loud and frantic appeals for
help to all departments of Government. Some had faith only in
the highest and sent personal letters to Mr. Nehru and Sardar Patel.

The correspondence bag of the Prime Minister for the months
•of August, September and October 1947 contained a curious
assortment of letters from all kinds of people. There were letters
begging him to exercise his personal intervention to save a son
•or a wife, a father or a more distant relative. The Prime Minister
was asked sometimes to rescue a factory, some piece of machinery,
a cash box or an article of furniture. There were letters complain¬
ing of the indecision of the Government of India, letters accusing
the Prime Minister of lack of sympathy for the non-Muslims,
letters charging him with enjoying the fruits of victory at the
expense of the Hindus of West Punjab, letters giving details of
property left in Pakistan, descriptions of relatives whose where¬
abouts had not been heard of, apologetic letters, complaining
letters, letters informing him of things he knew only too well,
letters which began by saying that the writer was taking the
opportunity of addressing the greatest mair in the world, letters
J6

234

Stem Reckoning

from persons who claimed to have met the Prime Minister on some
occasion, years previously, letters from avowedly total strangers,
letters from officials, business men, shopkeepers, rich men, poor
men, men in agony, deprived of their property, men asking for a
job. One letter began: “ Dear Sir, I am a poor and dirty man in
the world. I have written one letter for you till now there is no
reply. You arc Enjoying now for the independence. 1 am sorrow¬
ing now for the cause of money.” Another correspondent said:
“My Lord! I. with heavy heart, state you my whole miserable
autobiography.” The writer who described himself as a poor
student then went on to give a narrative of his scholastic career. A
retired headmaster unable to trace his son-in-law wrote as follows:

“ Worthy of reverence Panditji. It is after the greatest hesitation
that I write this to you, knowing that your time is very precious.
What has compc'led me to write this to you is the fact that in
casting about my eyes 1 fail to find anyone in the world except
you who can help me in my calamity.”

Day after day, week after week. non-Muslims from West
Punjab Ci>ntinued to pour across the border in trains, lorries,
aeroplanes, bullock-carts and on foot, till, by the end of December
1947. four millions of them had come to India. All of them had
left behind their property and valuables, the majority of them
had suffered bereavement ; their bodies sick and wounded, their
souls bruised with the shock of horror, they came to a new home.
There was discomfort in the refugee camps and the future held
out uncertain hopes but. at last, their lives were free from
danger and the honour of their womenfolk was ^afe. As they
crossed the boundary line and entered the Dominion of India a
cry of joy arose from their tired and almost voiceless throats with
the spontaneity of a reflex action. Many of them wept with sheer
relief as they uttered the salutation, “ Jai Hind.”

Let there be in Pakistan, the separate centre of Islam,

We shall not in Pakistan have to look at faces of non-
MusUvis.

The abode of the Muslim Nation will brighten up only.

When in Pakistan there remain no idolatrous thorns.

They (Hindus) whose function is to be slaves have no right
1o participate in Government,

Nowhere have they succeeded in governing.

—Song recited at the Muslim League
Conference at Siillankot (Sind)

"Let the Hindus of Sind leave Sind and go elsewhere.
Let them go while the going is good and possible, else I
warn them that a tune is fast coming when in their flight
from Sind, they may not be able to get a horse or an ass
or a gari or any other means of transport.''

—^Mr. Khurho

CHAPTER FIVE

SIND

Events in the newly created* Province of Sind followed a
peculiar course of their own. This portion of India was one of
the first to be conquered by the Muslims and has always remained
a Muslim stronghold. During the British regime it formed part
of the Bombay Presidency for administrative purposes until
March 31, 1937. The province was not economically rich and,
before the Karachi Port attained its present proportions, it
was considered to be a drag on the finances of Bombay. The
Hindu leaders of the Bombay Presidency were anxious to throw
olf this burden and often pressed for the separation of Sind from
Bombay, At first, however, this proposal was not entertained as
the British Government considered it impracticable. The
pendulum gradually swung in the opposite direction, when income
from the port of Karachi increased, and the Muslims of Sind
began to agitate for its separation from Bombay. They demanded
that the income from customs should be paid towards the Pro¬
vincial Revenues in order to make it a self-supporting province.
While the British Government were making up their mind about
the matter. His Highness the Aga Khan offered to purchase the
* province in lieu of his loyal services to the British Crown extend¬
ing over a number of years, and to these he agreed to add a sub¬
stantial amount drawn from his much accumulated cash and gold.
The prospect of his becoming the Nawab of Sind was not
unpleasing to a number of persons and the Aga Khan found a
great deal of support for his proposition, particularly in the die¬
hard element of the British peerage. Indian opinion was strongly
opp>osed to this retrograde step as it would have meant the crea¬
tion of a quite unnecessary autocracy, and, when the Secretary of
State for India announced that the Aga Khan’s petition had been
rejected, the news was received with great relief. Shortly after¬
wards the Government of India Act, 1935, was passed and Sind
became a separate province.

According to the cen.sus of 1941 the total population of the
province was 45.35 lakhs, of whom no less than 70.7 per cent
weio Muslims. The economy of the province depends mainly

* Sind was separated trom the Bombay Province by the Government of India Act, t935.

238

Stem Reckoning

upon agriculture and there are few industries of any importance.

It is to be observed that only a little over one-half of the total area
is culturablc as there are large sandy tracts where nothing grows.
Actually, a little less than one-fifth of the total area is under
cultivation. The province has spent large sums of money on
schemes of irrigation and, in spite of the fact that the annual irri¬
gation expenses amount to Rs. 170.67 lakhs, the total income from
land revenue and water cess is only Rs. 125.56 lakhs. Before the
partition of the country Sind used to receive a subvention of
Rs. 105 lakhs from the Central Revenues and without this contri¬
bution it was impossible to balance the provincial budget. These
facts give some idea of the poverty of this small province.* The
Hindus were mostly petty shopkeepers, poor labourers or tenants
of Muslim Zemindars. Although there was a substantial number
of Hindus, living in urban areas, who were engaged in business or
industries, they represented only a small proportion of the total
Hindu population. There were also a few Hindu Zemindars but
their number was not considerable. The Hindus of Sind were
not aggressive or bellict)se like the non-Muslims of the Punjab.
They were not given to indulging in pcrlitical agitation or clamour¬
ing for their rights. The impression one gains is that the Hindus
had resigned themselves to the theory that the Muslims of Sind
belonged to a superior class and were entitled to treat the Hindus
as their underlings. The labourers and the poor cultivators were
particularly timid and were, at no time, prepared to offer resist- ,
ance to the Muslim hooligans or to insist upon retaining whatever
rights they had in property. Their first impulse, when the
disturbances began, was to run away rather than stay and offer
fight.

The result of the first elections held under the Government
of India Act of 1935 showed that it would not be an easy matter
to form a stable Ministry in Sind. The constitution of the parties
w^as such that no single party confhianded an absolute majority
in the Legislature. The Muslim League secured only eight out of
sixty seals. The largest number of seats was won by independent
persons belonging to no political party. After a certain amount
of unsavoury bargaining with self-seeking legislators. Sir Ghulam
Hussain Hidayatullah succeeded in forming a Ministry. He did

* No mentiew is made in these figures of the income derived from Central subjcctu
which forro.s the contribution towards the Central Revenues. Nor is any mention made of
the expenses incurred bs the Centre on account of Defence and other matters from whieh
the province benefits I'hc net result, therefore, is what has Intcn pointed out above

Sind

239

not. howevei, stay in oftice long and was defeated by a combina¬
tion of the Congress and the Allah Bux Group, Mr. Allah Bux
now became the Premier and began to seek the assistance of the
Congress for the support of his cause. Mr. Adah Bux himself had
shown strong national leanings and was not disposed to endorse
the Muslim League programme. He even offered to join the
Congress and take all his supporters with him, if the Congress
would help him to form a stable Ministry. Maulana Abul Kalam
Azad who was deputed to deal with this matter, however, advised
that it would be better in the interests of the province to form a
united Muslim Party which should devote its energy and attention
to economic and social progress. Had Mr. Allah Bux succeeded
in doing this, the Muslim League would have ceased to count as
a force in Sind. Mr. Jinnah, however, successfully prevented the
formation of such a united Muslim Party and the Muslim League
members declined to give their support to Mr. Allah Bux. Even
the Hindu Parlv joined hands with the Muslim League opposi¬
tion, The position of Mr. Allah Bux thus became precarious.
He suffered a defeat on February 13, 1940, and, six days later,
tendered his resignation to the Governor. He was, however,
asked to continue in office until a stable Ministry could be formed.
On February 26, a no-confidence motion against the Ministry was
brought forward in the Assembly and Mr. Allah Bux resisted this
attempt to dislodge him from office, though he had not withdrawn
his resignation, and still professed his readiness to quit. He sur¬
vived the censure, implicit in a no-confidence motion, by the cast¬
ing vote of the Speaker. This narrow majority showed that
Mr. Allah Bux’s position was extremely insecure and on March
18, 1940, his re.signation was accepted. Mr. Bundeh Ali Khan,
on being called by the Governor, formed the new Ministry. He
proved quite unequal to the task of administration, and
the peace and economy of the province deteriorated a
great deal by his incompetence and self-interest. Mau¬
lana Abul Kalam Azad was once again asked to resolve
the tangled skein of Sind politics; and he drew up what
was popularly called the Az.ad Pact, the terms of which were that
Mr. Bundeh Ali Khan was to resign his office as Premier and allow
Mr. Allah Bux or Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah to take his
place as head of the Government. The new Government would not
be a League Government though it would include League Ministers
and would aho have the support of the Congress Party. Mr. Bundeh
^ Ali Khan agreed to implement this Pact but, subsequently, on the

240

Stem Reckoning

advice of Mr. Jinnah. retracted his promise. The Ministry viras
overthrown on March 8, 1941, and Mr. Allah Bux once again
returned to office. His nationalist leanings had now become more
pronounced and he openly took in.structions from the Congress
High Command in administrative matters. The events which fol¬
lowed the “ Quit India ” resolution of the Congress in August 1942
agitated him a great deal and he renounced his title of Khan
Bahadur. He communicated his decision to the Viceroy in a
strongly-worded letter* and the result was that, within two days,
the Governor of Sind summoned him to Government House and
summarily dismissed him from the post of Provincial Premier. A
few months after this Mr. Allah Bux was murdered, t Among the
persons tried for this crime was Mr. Khurho who had occupied the
post of a Minister in the Cabinets of Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayat-
ullah and Mr. Bundeh Ali Khan. At the lime of Mr. Allah Bux*s
murder also he was a Minister and was removed from office to
stand his trial. Subsequently he became the Premier of Sind.J

On October 10. 1942, Sir Ghulam Hussain Hidayatullah was
again invited to form a Ministry. He thus returned to power and
continued to share it with the Provincial Governor in a varying
degree, ufttil the establishment of Pakistan, when he was himself
raised to the post of the Governor. He was far from easy in his
position as Premier. There was a great deal of opposition even
among the Muslim League members, and on February 14, 1945.
the Ministry was defeated with the help of some Muslim League
votes. Hidayatullah behaved like a chastised child and declared
“ Sind is not fit for reforms. We in this House are teaching how
to be treacherous,” and then went away to sulk. As the result of
this defeat, however, he reconstituted his Ministry by taking Khan
Bahadur Haji Moula Bux into his Cabinet and continued in office.
Moula Bux, a brother of Mr. Allah Bux, was not a member of the
Muslim League and he was naturaJly asked to sign the League
pledge. Moula Bux refused and Hidayatulla was ordered by the
League High Command to reconstitute his Cabinet once again.
On March 12, 1945, Hidayatullah resigned and proceeded to re¬
form his Ministry. In the meantime, Moula Bux went to the
Governor and told him that he was in a position to form a stable

* For ic\i of the letter sec Appendix I.
t Mhv H. 1943.

i He was once acain removed from his post, tried on charges of corfuption and theft
and convicted.

Sind

241

Ministry if he were given twelve hours’ time. The Governor, how¬
ever, saw no reason why Moula Bux’s bargaining should stabilize
matters more efFeetively than the negotiations in which Hidayat-
ullah was engaged. He, therefore, declined to entertain this
proposal.

Hidayatullah’s new Ministry ran a somewhat dubious and
erratic course but succeeded in surviving, mainly, because the
members of the Congress Assembly Party were not allowed to
attend the session. Attempts were now made to overthrow
Hidayatullah and G. M. Syed,- President of the Sind Provincial
Muslim League, led the oppt^sition. G. M. Syed was
promptly expelled from the League. On February 8. 1*^46
Hidayatullah again reconstituted his Cabinet. 1'he members of the
new Ministry were all Muslim Leaguers. The other groups now
formed a coalition opposition under the leadership of G. M. Syed.
On March 19, 1946, a no-confidence motion was moved against
one of the MinivSiers. This was defeated by one vole, thirty voting
against the motion and twenty-nine for it. The Assembly was
then prorogued before any further injury'could be inflicted on this
drooping and sapless Ministry. The Assembly met again on
July 11, 1946, to elect members for the All-India Constituent
Assembly. A no-confidence motion was once again tabled but,
on the first day, its discussion was avoided by taking up a technical
objection and, the next day, the Assembly was prorogued by the
Governor. G. M. Syed now appealed to the Governor and asked
him to compel the League Ministry to resign. The Governor did
not agree. A motion of no-confidence was tabled against th(sMin-
istry and it was due to come up for discussion on September 10,
1946. The Ministry hoped to have the support of twenty-nine votes
while the opposition consisted of thirty votes. The sixtieth mem¬
ber occupied the position of the Speaker who belonged to the
Muslim League, but naturally could not vote. It was expected,
therefore, that the no-confidence motion would be passed by one
vote. To meet this unfortunate event, the Speaker resigned from
his post of enforced and helpless impartiality so that he could vote
against the no-confidence motion. The parties now numbered
thirty each. The Deputy Speaker, Miss Jethi T, .Sipahimalani,
would have to sit in the chair, on the day the motion came up for
discussion, and this would mean the reduction of the opposition
party by one. The resignation of the Speaker had, therefore, re¬
versed the situation and the no-confidence motion must be lost by

242 Stern Reckoning

•

one vote. To meet this eventuality Miss Sipahimalani resigned
from the post of Deputy Speaker. The result was that there was
no one left to sit in the Speaker’s chair. Mr. Fra.ser. a European
member, had on previous occasions occupied the chair when both
the Speaker and the Deputy Speaker were not available. It is
said that he cxpres.sed his willingness to take the chair, but as he
was the suppc^rier of the Government this would have meant
reducing the support of the Ministry by one vole. A stalemate
had been reached and expectation ran high as to how this seeming
impasse would be resolved. The Governor came to the rescue
by exercising his special powers of dissolving the As.sembly and
ordering a general election.

During the interim period the Hidayatullah Ministry continued
in office and exercised every kind of pressure and influence in
shaping the course of the elections. The voters were intimidated,
threatened and directed to support the Muslim League candidates.
Sayad Murad Ali Shah, a supporter of Mr. G. M, Syed, was shot
dead in his village by a Muslim League worker. Sayad Jandial
Shah, another supporter of the Coalition Party, was arrested and
refused bail. Haji Moula Bux stood against a Muslim League
candidate and was declared elected. League hooligans avenged
their defeat by assaulting him outside the office of the Revenue
Commissioner and Returning Officer. He was abused and beaten
in the presence of the Returning Officer and the police, but no one
chose to interfere. Haji Moula Bux’s son, Mansoor. was also
belaboured by Muslim League hooligans. Independent Hindu
Mukhtarkars were transferred just before the elections. Muslim
Presiding Officers, known for their integrity, were made to resign.
An official took leave and openly worked for a League candidate.
A rich Zemindar undergoing a sentence of twenty years’ imprison¬
ment was prematurely released. Land was given to another on
condition he helped Sir Ghulam Hussain’s son. Anwar. Five
hundred persons were brought from Hyderabad (Sind) to imper¬
sonate voters in Karachi District. Mr. G, M. Syed complained
of last minute changes in his polling stations and Presiding and
Polling Officers, indicating a plan of impersonation on a large
scale. The election results showed that these efforts had succeeded
in attaining the desired object. The Muslim League secured
thirty-five seats out of a total of sixty and thus obtained an absolute
majority in the new House.

Sind

243

On the creation of Pakistan, Hidayatullah became Governor
of Sind. His previous Supporter and rival, Mr. Khurho, became
the Premier but he was very soon dismissed by Hidayatullah under
Mr. Jinnah’s instruction.s and was placed before a Special Tribunal
to stand an enquiry into charges of corruption and malpractices.
Pir lllahi Bux succeeded Mr. Khurho as Premier. Five daily
newspapers of Karachi, soon afterwards, started a campaign against
him and demanded his instant removal. As the result of an elec¬
tion petition against him. his election was declared invalid on the
ground of corrupt practices and he was forced to resign.

This brief narrative of the political events in Sind shows that
Provincial Government was reduced to a travesty of the adminis¬
trative machinery. Party alignment was based on considerations
of personal gain rather than on moral conviction or a desire to do
public good. The voting in the General Election of 1945-46,
which was fought on the issue of Pakistan, showed that only 46.3
per cent of the Muslim votes were cast for the League candidates ;
and only 20.8 per cent of the total electorate voted for the Muslim
League. Thus, although the population was predominantly Mus¬
lim, the support for the. Muslim League was extremely meagre.
In the circumstances, it is not surprising that the Ministers were
weak and liable to be swayed from their resolve by petty intrigues.
Sir Hugh Dow took over the Governorship of the province in
April 1941. and. soon afterwards, began to interfere in the day-to-
day administration of Government. Mr. Allah Bux, who was tfie
Premier at that time, felt greatly agitated by this circumstance and
brought the matter up in the Assembly. He, however, felt helpless
and said that he had referred the question to the Viceroy, and
added that it was no use his “ resigning in a huff,'’ He, no doubt,
realized that if he went out of office the Governor would at once
be able to find someone more accommodating and lesS protesting.
When personal advancement is the main moving force in politics
and where the various parties are unstable and subject to constant
change, the Government cannot retain a firm hold on administration
and maintain law and order. The various Ministries which held
office in Sind never made a serious attempt to deal with this im¬
portant problem. Disorders were at various times allowed to
spread over large areas and undermine the administration. The
Pir of Pagaro and the activities of his nefarious band of marauders
contributed, iivno small measure, to this unfortunate stale of affairs,
and, in 1942, the Pir’s disciples, whose numbers extend into several

244

Stern Reckoning

thousands, terrorized whole districts by indulging in wholesale
murder, sabotage and dacoity. It was only after Martial Law was
proclaimed in Sind on June 1942, that these fanatical followers of
the Pir could be brought under control. Their suppression was no
easy matter, for the Hurs, as these disciples are called, were skilled
gangsters, having behind them a history of seventy years of crime.
Their chief arm was the axe, although they also po.ssessed large
quantities of firearms and ammunition. They had succeeded in
overawing the population by using the weapon of reprisal against
all unfriendly acts. Their main hide-out was in a thick forest where
they could easily evade arrest. The Hurs were essentially a criminal
tribe and their activities were not of a communal nature; but, after
their suppression, the spirit of lawlessness which they had dissemi¬
nated in the province gave rise to a strong anti-Hindu feeling and
this was utilized by the Muslim League protagonists in arousing the
Muslim masses. A prominent Hur was tried and convicted of the
murder of Mr. Allah Bux who had refused to line up with the
Muslim League.

1'he Muslim leaders had. for some time before the establish¬
ment of Pakistan, carried on a ruthless anti-Hindu propaganda and
their utterances were not calculated to promote peace. Mr. Khurho
during his election campaign for the Sind Legislative Assembly in
1945-46 is reported to have said, “T am looking forward to the
day when the Hindus in Sind will be so impoverished or
economically weakened that their women, even like poor Muslim
women now, will be constrained to carry on their heads the midday
food to their husbands, brothers and sons toiling in the fields and
market places.” * Later on, when he became Minister for Public
Works, he declared, “ Let the Hindus of Sind leave Sind and go
elsewhere. Let them go while the going is good and possible, else
1 warn them that a time is fast coming when in their flight from
Sind, they may not be able to get a horse or an ass or a gari or
any other means of tran.sport.”t Agha Badaruddin Ahmad,
M.L.A., Deputy Speaker of the Sind Legislative Assembly, in a
letter, addressed to the Sukkur District Muslim League Conference,
said: “These Muslims are anxiously and restlessly straining their
ears to hear the sound of the hooves of galloping horses, the
rattling of the swords and the sky-rending slogans of ‘ Allah-o~
Akhar' of Muslim crusaders.”t Pir Ilahi Bux, Minister for

• Oiioied bv Pariirain V'. Tahilramani in " Why the Exodus from Sind.”

t “ Why Jh- Exodus from Sind.” by Para.sram V. Tahilraniani.

X Alwahid, Karachi, dated April 9. 1947.

Sind

245

Education and Local Self-Government,* in the course of a speech
which he delivered at Jacobabad in April 1947, said that the
Muslims would give the Hindus a fourth battle of Panipat where
the Hindus would meet their Waterloo. The Muslim Press in Sind
was equally violent. Dawn, which is the official organ of the
Muslim League, in its issue of September 13, 1947, called upon the
Muslim League National Guards to help in searching the baggage
and persons of Hindu passengers, both male and female, who were
leaving for India. The Hilai-e-Pakistan, a Sindhi daily of Hydera¬
bad, published a fanatical article on October 6. 1947, and called
upon the Muslim criminals and hooligans to devote their energies in
victimising Hindus.

“ You should neither kill nor rob Muslims. On the contrary,
your full strength, valour and weapons should be used to wreak
vengeance on those people with whom even today thousands
of Muslim women arc prisoners.. . . Every Muslim who casts his
eye on this article and happens to know any dacoit, thief,
aggressor or a Patharidar should carry our request to him and
should instruct him to convey the exact sense of our appeal to
members of his Jamiat. . . . You should inform us about your
Association or meet us so that we may give you requisite instruc¬
tions and directions.”

This was published after the partition of the country and shows
the extent to which the emotions of the Muslim masses were being
worked up.

The lead given by the Muslim leaders was quickly followed by
religious preceptors and the local Zemindars who saw in this
anti-Hindu propaganda an opportunity for the satisfaction of per¬
sonal greed. The Pir of Barchundi of Ubavero Taluqa in Sukkur
District had a large following of murids (disciples). He had always
supported the League candidates in the Assembly elections and.
therefore, enjoyed the confidence of the. League Ministers. He
began to exhort his disciples to terrorize the Hindus and deprive
them of their crops and lands. Oazi Fazal Ullah of District
Larkhana is reported to have said, “ Take your sword in one hand
and your Quran in the other and win for Islam a superior position.”
The smaller Zemindars urged their tenants to harass Hindus,
deprive them of their crops and plunder their houses. The seeds

* Now the Premier of Sind.

246 Stern Reckoning

of unrest arid communal hatred sown in this manner soon
bore fruit.

The attitude of the Sind Muslims towards the Hindus became
increasingly arrogant and overbearing. The element of financial
gain was, of course, predominant in shaping their conduct. The
authorities responsible for keeping law and order were indifferent
to this state of affairs and they had no real desire to maintain
peace among the two communities. Some time before the partition
of the country, a few sporadic attacks on Hindu person and
property began in the southern districts of Sind. There were, how¬
ever. no extensive disorders until the Muslim refugees from East
Punjab began to arrive and spread stories of atrocities to which they
had been subjected by the non-Muslims. They had been uprooted
from their homes. They had seen massacre and looting on a large
scale and were not slow to wreak vengeance upon the Sind Hindus
and Sikhs. The initiative taken by them was followed up by the
Sind Muslims. In some few cases the local Muslims tried to inter¬
vene. They promised protection to the Hindus and made half¬
hearted and feeble attempts to ward off the attacks made by the
Muslim fanatics but very soon they, too, joined the band of
marauders, in the hope of enriching themselves at the cost of the
Hindus. There is mention of one Khan Bahadur Sardar Jogan
Khan of village Jogan in Sukkur District who assured the Hindu
villagers that he would safeguard their life and property. After
the partition, however, he took a prominent part in looting them.
Faqir Ghulam Ali, the headman of village Kandri, is mentioned
as having saved the lives of the Hindu villagers bu| not their
property, in which he took his due share.

There were two distinct lines of attack upon Sind Hindus.
Of these the most important was economic pressure brought to
bear from all sides, and, in this, the Muslim officials took a very
prominent part. Mention has bSen made of the attitude of the
Muslim Zemindars towards the Hindu and Sikh population. This
manifested itself in the deprivation of the crops of the Hindu
tenants by the Muslim landlords. The Zemindars refused to give
a share of the crop to the Hindu haris. The Muslim haris refused
to hand over the crops of the Hindu Zemindars. The Revenue
Authorities demanded payment of land revenue before the due
date; and the Muslim haris were instructed not to hand over any
portion of the crops until the receipts for land revenue were shown
to them. They openly carted away the harvested grain while the

Sind

247

Hindu owners looked on helplessly. In one case a Muslim land¬
lord carried away the entire crop reaped by a Hindu tenant. The
tenant sued the landlord but, one day, when he was returning to
his village, he was waylaid and murdered. Hindus were not
allowed to sell movable or immovable property.. Even where they
succeeded in securing a purchaser, they had to part with their
goods for a mere pittance. One shopkeeper in village Bambro in
Tharparkar District had to part with his entire stock-in-trade worth
several thousand rupees for the paltry sum of Rs. 15. A medical
dispensary at Phiilji Railway Station was sold for Rs. 100. The
District Magistrate of Larkana issued a proclamation that any
Hindu selling property would be committing an offence punishable
with six months’ imprisonment. Three Hindus were actually
detained for a number of days upon this charge. Thefts of Hindu
property in the rural areas assumed alarming proportions. Cattle
were driven away from the grazing fields. Houses and shops were
broken into and the goods therein carried away in broad daylight.
A curious feature of these thefts was that even doors and windows
of houses were removed and carried away. There were cases of
dacoities in which the culprits were armed with firearms and battle-
axes. One Sub-Inspector of Police removed the tiles from a reli¬
gious institution in Dadu District. He used the tiles for his own
house. The Mukhlarkar in village Ladhedero, District Dadu,
asked the Muslim harts if they had celebrated Pakistan, which
meant if they had looted the Hindu Zemindar of his produce.

Hindu occupiers of houses were driven out and Muslim
refugees put in their place. In some cases Muslim refugees were
billeted in Hindu quarters and their presence compelled the Hindus
to leave. In one case a Hindu factory owner was served with
notice that his factory would be taken over unless he purchased a
certain quantity of rice for his factory within four days. The
owner protested that his factory was working and that he had
the requisite raw materials in stock. He was. thereupon, directed
to hand the factory over to a Muslim. *Millowners were told to
take Muslims as their partners on pain of their mills being con¬
fiscated. In one case a Hindu was ordered to hand over his mill
to a Muslim without any reasons being assigned. In village Daon-
Vallo, District Sukkur, the Hindus were asked to leave the village
and go to a place of safety under police escort. As soon as they
had left, their houses were occupied by Muslim refugees who
appropriated all the movable property left behind.

248

Stern Reckoning

An order was issued by the local authorities calling upon
Hindu business men and moneylenders fo deposit all ornaments
and valuables which the Muslims had pawned with them. These
were then returned to the Muslim owners without discharging the
debts due from them. Bhoja Mai, a moneylender of Dadu, had
the temerity to ask for the payment of his dues. He was attacked
and made to read the Raima. He was then forced to drink curd
from the same bowl as a Muslim and. after this indignity, he was
told to go away. Hindus everywhere were asked to contribute
towards Mr. Jinnah’s Fund for the relief of refugees. In district
Nawabshah, where Hindu oppression was at its worst, the
District Magistrate declared that the Hindus must collect a sum of
one lakh of rupees, otherwise they would not be allowed to leave
the district.

When a large-scale exodus from the province began, the Gov¬
ernment introduced a permit system. On February 15, 1948, the
Sind Government announced that no non-Muslim would be allowed
to leave unless he was in possession of a permit issued by the
proper authority. This led to gross abuse of powers and corruption
on a very large scale. Only a limited number of permits was
issued each day and the applicants had to pay heavily for them.
Before a permit could be issued, the intending emigrant had to pro¬
duce as many as eight certificates proving that he had discharged
all his liabilities in Sind. This requirement prompted the Muslims
to lay false claims against the Hindus, which meant delay and
the expenditure of more money, for the Hindu had no other choice
but to pay the blackmailer and obtain a certificate of discharge.
Even after securing a permit, the troubles of the Hindu emigrant
were not ended. He had to bribe the booking clerk heavily to buy
a railway ticket. He was subjected to extensive searches and gross
indignities. His womenfolk were undressed and searched under
the gaze of men. The searchers ^ook away valuables and orna¬
ments without giving any receipt for them. In some cases even
the food intended for consumption on the journey was taken away.
An inter-Dominion agreement had been arrived at that no searches
would be made and Mr. Liaquat Ali Khan, the Prime Minister of
Pakistan, assured the Indian High Commissioner in Pakistan that
evacuees would not be searched. The searches, however, continued
and when the matter was brought to the notice of Mr. Khurho,
the Sind Premier, he said: “ I do not agree with the Pakistan Gov¬
ernment that no searches should be made of the outgoing passen-

Sind

249

gers. Their order seems to be unworkable as it would only mean
putting a premium on dishonesty.” * This was the manner in
which the inter-Dominion agreement was respected by the Pro¬
vincial Government. In Nawabshah the District Magistrate
announced that no Hindu could carry away more than ten rupees
with him. The luggage placed in the brake van was removed and,
at the end of the journey, the owner found himself without any
redress. Muslims entered crowded compartments and drove the
Hindu passengers out in order to make room for themselves and,
in the process, deprived them of a part of their belongings. Non-
Muslim travellers were searched at several stages of their Journey,
and each time some part of their property was taken away. Some¬
times when they arrived at their destination, they found them¬
selves dispossessed of everything they had except the clothes they
wore. Non-Muslims about to leave Refugee Camps in Karachi by
boat were subjected to further searches. A juggler was deprived
of his entire apparatus although it was of no use to the searchers.

Large numbers of temples and places of worship were dese¬
crated by Muslim hooligans. In some cases the object was to loot,
but more often the purpose was to give offence to the religious
su.sceptibilities of the non-Muslims. Images were broken and
thrown out of temples. The holy books were torn up, thrown in
the mud and trampled upon. In many cases they were set fire to
and burnt. If resistance was offered by the priest he was attacked
and beaten and. in a few cases, murdered. The Sikhs from whose
hands the Muslim refugees appeared to have suffered most in
Ea.st Punjab were made the special target of attack and there were
few Gurdwaras which escaped the attention of the looters.

This state of affairs made life impossible for the non-Muslims
in Sind. Even where their life was safe their property and means
of livelihood were taken away from them. When they wanted to
leave, innumerable difficulties were placed in their way and en route
they were subjected to all types of harassing indignities. In this
way the bulk of the non-Muslim population emigrated from Sind.
The figure given by the Pakistan Government in a communique
published in the Hindustan Times in its issue of January 19, 1949,
is 8,21,000. but it is estimated that out of 12 lakh non-Muslims,
nearly 10 lakhs have already left and the exodus has not yet
ended.

• Mr. Khurho was subsequently found guilty of hasine m his possession property
stolen from non-Muslims.

250

Stern Reckoning

The loss of life in Sind was not on the same scale as in
West Punjab and the North-West Frontier Province but the num¬
ber of murders, conversions and abductions was by no means
inconsiderable. It is not possible to obtain exact figures though
the murders must run into thousands and the number of persons
forcibly converted to Islam cannot be less. The number of
women abducted is probably not very large and the evidence of
Hindu refugees shows that it was the poor labourers and Odds
who suffered most in this respect. In the urban areas there were
numerous cases of dacoities, in the course of which murders were
committed. Soon after the arrival of Muslim refugees from East
Punjab, crimes of violence increased rapidly. Mention is made,
in the evidence of refugees, of marriage parties being attacked
and looted. These attacks were invariably accompanied by loss
of life. Lorries of refugees leaving villages were waylaid and
attacked. In the town of Dadu, five Hindu families were forcibly
converted to Islam and paraded through the streets, in a pro¬
cession. There were a few attacks on trains involving loss of life.
In village Madeji, district Sukkur, a Muslim mob attacked a
Hindu lorry, murdering a number of persons. The culprits were
identified and later apprehended by the police but then released,
without further action being taken against them. The District
Magistrate of Nawabshah openly declared that he wanted to do
something for the Muslim refugees, and this emboldened them
to such an extent that they made indiscriminate attacks on the lives
of Hindus,

Particular mention must be made of the disturbances which
look place in Quetta. Hyderabad and Karachi. Quetta is in Balu¬
chistan but it is convenient to deal with that town in this chapter.

There was a general feeling of unrest in the minds of the
Quetta Hindus but they decided to join hands with the Muslims
in celebrating the establishment of Pakistan. On August 19. 1947,
a number of Muslim refugees arrived in the town, and the stories
of what they had been through greatly agitated the local Muslims.
An extensive plan to attack Hindu houses was prepared and at
about 9 p.m. on the 20th. a crowd of several thousand Muslims,
drawn from among these refugees and the neighbouring villages,
surrounded the entire town. Rumours had been whispered
through the town that such an attack was contemplated and some
prominent Hindus brought the matter to the notice of the police.
No steps, were, however, taken to prevent the massacre

Sind

251

that followed. Hindu houses all over the town were attacked,
looted and burnt. The rioting, went on throughout the night and
the Hindus suffered very heavy casualties. There was a brief lull
for about three hours on the morning of the 21st, and then at
9 a.m. the attack was resumed. Large numbers of Hindus and
Sikhs lost their lives. Property worth over a crore of rupees was
destroyed and it is estimated that more than a thousand persons
were murdered. On the afternoon of the 21st, the Dogra troops
entered the town and controlled the situation.

When news of the massacre in Quetta reached Sind a panic
spread among the Hindus. Their fears were enhanced by a num¬
ber of robberies and assaults which appeared to have been
inspired by the happenings in Quetta. There was. however, no
large-scale killing until December 17, 1947, when extensive riot¬
ing broke out in the town of Hyderabad. On December 16, 1947,
a meeting was held in Hyderabad at which speakers gave false and
exaggerated accounts of the burning of Ajmer Sharif and the
murder of hundreds of Muslims. It was said that a train carry¬
ing large numbers of Muslim corpses was due to arrive at
Hyderabad on the 17th. A huge mob of Muslims gathered at
the railway station before the arrival of the train. When the train
came it did not contain any corpses, but several Muslims who had
come from Ajmer Sharif related their talcs of suffering. These
stories worked up the frenzy of the Muslim mob who at once left
the railway station and invaded the entire town and started kill¬
ing and looting. Hindu property and schools were attacked and
burnt. It is estimated that over two hundred and fifty Hindus
were killed in the course of this furious assault, while a thousand
houses were looted. It is stated that Qazi Mohammad Akbar,
Parliamentary Secretary, also took part in the looting. Hyderabad
was a large and prosperous town with a majority of Hindu popu¬
lation. The business was almost entirely owned by Hindus
who, therefore, suffered a great deal in this rioting. Trains of
Hindu refugees from the rural areas were attacked and looted.
The disturbance continued for ‘several hours before it could be
controlled.

These disorders in the southern districts of Sind compelled
the non-Muslims to leave their homes, and large numbers of them
arrived in Karachi on their way to the Indian Dominion. Some
had to go by train, others by boat. Some of them were living
with friends dnd relations in different parts of the city, while others

252

Stern Reckoning

had been housed in lemporary refugee camps. Towards the end
of 1947, the city of Karachi was overcrowded with these evacuees.
On the morning of January 6, 1948, a party of Sikhs, numbering
between two and three hundred, including women and children,
arrived in Karachi. This party had travelled under police escort
but no information of their arrival was given to India's Deputy
High Commissioner in Pakistan who was stationed at Karachi.
A mob of Punjabi Muslims saw the Sikhs arrive on the railway
station and immediately showed signs of great agitation. The
authorities responsible for keeping law and order displayed a
reprehensive degree of indilfercnce in regard to the safety of these
Sikhs, and, instead of conveying the "Sikhs under strong police or
military escort, they sent them in open carriages to the Gurdwara
of Ratari Talao which, at this stage, was surrounded by houses
occupied by Muslim refugees.

News of the arrival t)f these Sikhs spread throughout the city
and, within a very short time, a large crowd of Sindhi and Pun¬
jabi Muslims armed with hatchets, swords, knives, crow'bars and
lathis arrived in front of the Gurdwara and began to stone it. The
Sikhs had locked themselves inside the Gurdwara but some of the
crowd scaled the walls and entered the Gurdwara compound.
They, however, found further progress barred. The Muslim
neighbours on seeing this began to throw bags of live coal into
the Gurdwara and soon the entire buiding was on fire. Many of
the Sikhs were burnt alive. Those who tried to escape by coming
out were set upon by the mob and done to death. At about
1-30 p.m., while this wholly one-sided battle was in progress, the
police arrived with two trucks in order to remove the Sikhs
from the Gurdwara. When the trucks were full the mob prevented
the departure of the trucks, and all the passengers were butchered
on the roadside. An eye-witness stated: “ The crowd tried to
break open the doors (of the Gurdwara) but they could not do so.
There was one building in betwe#n the Gurdwara and the Ram
Mandir and that building was occupied by Muslims. The inmates
of that house threw coal bags from the top of the building in
the Gurdwara compound for setting lire to it. At this stage a
party of twenty armed constables arrived on the scene and asked
the mob to disperse but the crowd refused to do so. The police
kept silent.*’ Another eye-witness stated: “At about 1-30 p.m.,
when this bloodshed was going on inside the Gurdwara, the police
oflicials tried to remove the Sikhs in two trucks but the goondas
did not allow the trucks to go and broke open the doors and

Sind 253

windows and started killing them in the trucks under the very
nose of the police.”

The rioting continued in front of the Gurdwara till after
2 p.m. and the hooligans carried away a number of girls from the
spot. The mob was not pacified by this massacre; in fact, their
frenzy increased and they rushed into other quarters of the city
shouting: “Kill the kafirs. Kill the Hindus. Loot the kafirs^
The hooligans indulged in an orgy of indiscriminate stabbing and
killing and many innocent women and children lost their lives in
the course of the afternoon. A mob went to the railway station
and attacked Hindu passengers. Some men entered the house of
a Gujerati Hindu and carried away three young girls. Their
mother was so overcome with grief that she picked up her two
infant children who had been left behind and jumped from the
balcony of her house. All three were killed instantaneously. The
father was thrown down from the same balcony by the hooligans
and he met the same fate. Some goondas were seen attacking a
young boy of seven. They stabbed him and then tearing his legs
apart threw the pieces of bleeding flesh on the ground. Dharma-
salas and refugee camps containing large numbers of Hindus
were attacked. The inmates were murdered and looted and a
number of young girls were abducted, women were raped and
subjected to horrible tortures.

At the railway station, the Hindu passengers, waiting on the
platforms and atriving by trains, passed through a terrible ordeal.
As soon as a train arrived, murderous-looking individuals sur¬
rounded It and started stabbing and looting Hindu passengers.
The Hindus rushed into the waiting rooms but there, too, they
were not safe. A big Zemindar of Sind who was formerly a
member of the Legislative Assembly arrived in Karachi that
morning and, w'hen he saw the train being attacked by Muslim
goondas, he took out hi.s gun to defend himself. A Sub-Inspector
of Police arrived and took away the gun from him, saying that
he had left his own behind. The Sub-Inspector then disappeared
with the gun and the Muslim crowd attacked the Zemindar’s car¬
riage and carried away his entire luggage. The Hindus, marooned
in the waiting rooms, could not get food or drink and policemen
posted to protect them charged as much as a rupee for a glass of
water.

The temples and Gurdwaras in the city were attacked and
desecrated. Guru Ramdas Durbar, the Jagannath Temple, the
Chidan Kashi Mandir, the temple of Bhai V'assyaram, the temple

254 Stern Reckoning

of Guru Nanak, the Gurdwara near Rambaugh Garri Khata, the
temples of Hanumanji in Ranchore Lines, the Sitla Mandir on
Lawrence Road, the Jethmal Gurdwara in Garri Khata, the Swami
Narai» Temple, the Bhagnari Temple, and the Sharda Mandir
were ail attacked and wherever the mob could find any holy books
they tore them or set fire to them.

in these disturbances the goonda element predominated but
there is unimpeachable evidence showing the participation of
large numbers of persons belonging to the middle classes. Even
Government ollicials took part in the plunder. Well-dressed men
were seen going about looting Hindu shops and houses and
carrying away whatever could be of use to them. Members of
the Pakistan vSecrctariat staff were subsequently found in posses¬
sion of large quantities of looted property. There was consider¬
able agitation against the action of Government in searching the
houses of these officials and a deputation on their behalf repre¬
sented to the Paki.stan Authorities the unwisdom of this seemingly
pro-Hindu conduct.

The rioting in Karachi continued for two days before the
fury of the mob was spent. No accurate estimate of the casualties
is possible. Several lorry-loads of dead bodies were taken to
the cremation ground, piled up in heaps, sprayed with petrol and
burnt. The number of those killed cannot have been less than
three hundred and the number of injured about twice this number.

The events in Sind show that apart from the massacres of
Hyderabad and Karachi there was no large-scale or organized
attempt on the part of the Sind Muslims to exterminate the Hindus.
The insidious propaganda which the League leaders had been
carrying on throughout India for a number of years had made
Ihe Muslims arrogant and hosti.le towards the HYndas. This
propaganda, coming at a time wh?n the spirit ol' lawlessness had
spread throughout Sind, gave rise to a feeling of insecurity and
this further emboldened the Muslims. The prospect of loot and
financial gain made them callous and regardless of the Hindu
sufferings. The arrival of the Muslim refugees from East Punjab
acted as a spark on this mass of inflammable material and set
the whole province ablaze. In the southern districts, murders,
dacoities and robberies with violence were on a much larger scale
than in the northern districts where the hooligans mostly confined
themselves to looting the property of the Hindus and driving
them away from their homes.

Last came Anarchy: he rode

On a white horse, splashed with blood;

He was pale even to the lips.

Like Death in the Apocalypse.

And he wore a kingly crown;

And ifi his orasp a sceptre shone;

On his brow this mark I saw —

‘I AM GOD, AND KING, AND LAW!’

And a mighty troop around.

With their trampling shook the ground.

Waving each a bloody sword ;

For the service of their Lord.

And each dweller, panic-stricken.

Felt his heart with terror sicken
Hearing the tempestuous cry
Of the triumph of Anarchy.

Then all cried with one accord.

‘ Thou art King, and God, and Lord ;

Anarchy, to thee toe bow.

Be thy name made holy now! ’

And Anarchy, the Skeleton,

Bowed and grinned to every one.

Percy Bysshe »Shelley —The Mask of Anarchy

CHAPTER SIX

NORTH-WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE

The North-West Frontier Pathan* is a curious mixture of
brutality and kindness, greed and generous hospitality, unstinted
loyalty and venomous treachery. He combines a fanatical jealousy
for the honour of his womenfolk with a notorious perversity in his
sexual relations. He will kidnap a woman or a man with wealthy
and influential connections for the sake of a rich ransom, and risk
his life and liberty to steal food for his hostage. He will expose
himself to any danger in order to protect a worthless neighbour,
and kill his greatest friend if he suspects him of having an impure
thought about his wife or daughter. Quick-tempered and easily
excitable, he is ready to use his gun or dagger at the slightest
provocation. It has been said that he loves his gun more than his
brother. But more than either of these, he loves his personal
freedom which he exalts to the level of licence. He makes a fetish
of his honour and never forgives what he considers an insult or
slight to his self-esteem. Seven hundred years of Indian influence
have not obliterated his distinct racial character, and though he
has imbibed the culture of his adopted home, and intermarriage
has diluted his race purity, he is easily recognizable by the pecu¬
liar cast of his features ; he speaks a different language ; and
observes different customs. His songs and dances are redolent
ol’ his far-flung origin and have more in common with the folk art
of Central Asia than the forms in which the Hindus and Muslims
of India express their emotional complexes.

At the census of 1941 the total population of the North-West
Frontier Province was 30.38 lakhs of which 91.79 per cent were
Muslims. The districts of Dera Ismail Khan and Bannu had the
largest proportion of non-Muslims who comprised 14.2 and 13 per
cent respectively. In Mardan there were only 2.1 per cent Hindus
and in Hazara only 3.8 per cent. In the rural areas the Hindus
formed a very small and helpless minority of the population. The
members of their community were mostly petty shopkeepers and
traders. In some villages there were not more than two or three
Hindu families and their safety depended entirely on the goodwill
and friendly relations of their Muslim neighbours. The position
of the Hindus in the cities was stronger.^ Their business was more

258

Stern Reckoning

lucrative and they wielded greater financial power. They paid 80
per cent of the total income-tax of the province.

Life in the Pathan country is hard and econdmically
precarious. Food is scarce and industrial occupation is negligible.
Scarcely one-fourth of the total province is under cultivation. To
earn a living by productive effort is not always easy. Agriculture,
fruit farming, trade and ordnance factories, both licit and illicit,
do not provide employment for all, and a considerable proportion
of the population lives on blackmail, hush money, kidnapping
fees, moneylending and looting. Primitive, illiterate and ungovern¬
able, the Pathan is singularly susceptible to catch-phrases and
slogans.

This malleable and inflammable material was subjected during
recent years to two distinct and opposing forces. The two Khan
brothers. Dr. Khan Sahib and Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, strove
to shape the Pathan ideology in the mould of Gandhian ethics and
achieved a remarkable degree of success. Dr. Khan Sahib as the
head of three Congress Ministries piloted the province through
some diflicult times, while his younger brother, Khan Abdul
Ghaffar Khan, a rich landlord, who give up a life of luxury and
ease, organized the Red Shirt movement. The “ Red Shirts ” was
the popular name of the army of Khudai Khidmatgars who wore
a distinctive red-colonred shirt and pledged themselves to peace^
non-violence and public service. They were followers of Gandhiji
whom they referred to as “ Malang Baba.” * Their numbers ran
into thousands and their leader, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan or
Badshah Khan, as he was sometimes called, soon came to be known
as the Frontier Gandhi. The manner in which thousands of unruly
and turbulent Pathans accepted the creed of ahitnsa and practised
it. evoked the wonder and admiration of all, and it was said that
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan had worked a veritable miracle in the
Frontier. The Red Shirts remained non-violent under the gravest
provocation and on, at least, one occasion brought peace to the city
of Peshawar at a most critical moment.

The other force at work was the .sinister influence of the
Muslim League exercised through Sardar Aurangzeb Khan and
Abdul Rab Nishtar assisted by the local British and Muslim
officials. During the election campaign of 1937 these officials
oppo.sed the Congress Party and the Khudai Khidmatgars in every

* Liicrall'' an ascetic fanir

North-West Frontier Province

259

conceivable manner. Khan Abdul Ghalfar Khan. Pandit Nehru,
Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and Bhulabhai Desai were not allowed
to enter the province. The nomination papers of Khudai Khid*
matgar candidates were rejected by Returning Officers on scarcely
tenable technical grounds. “ A Deputy Commissioner forcibly
prevented the voters from going to cast their votes with the result
that about six hundred people could not record their verdict.
Another officer, in charge of conducting the elections throughout
the province, openly conspired vvjth the rivals of the Congress
and helped them to choose places and dates of polling, and gave
a free hand to the Polling Officers to act in their interests.*’ *

It is to be remembered that the Governor and the officials
of the North-West Frontier Province exercised dual functions. In
respect ol the non-tribal areas the officials were under the
Ministry, and the Governor acted through his Ministers. In res¬
pect of the tribal area, however, the Governor acted as the agent
of the Governor-General and was not answerable to the Ministry
in power. The officials also acted independently of the Ministry.
Thus a Secretary was answerable to the Ministry for acts and
orders relating to the non-tribal area, but he was answerable only
to the Governor fas agent to the Governor-General) for all acts
and orders relating to tlie tribal area. This somewhat anomalous
position placed the majority of the officials beyond the strict con¬
trol of the Ministry and enabled them to take an active part in
supporting the League agitation.

So strong, however, was the hold of the Congress over the
Palhan mind that no Muslim Leaguer was returned to the first
elected Legislature. Mr. Jinnah paid a visit to the province, but
his cries of appeal fell on deaf ears. In his own words he “ was,
to put in one word, dismissed from the Province.”t Thus, until
1938, there was no Muslim League Party in the Provincial Legis¬
lative Assembly. In January of that year several Muslim agita¬
tors, including Maulana Zafar Ali Khan and Maulana Shaukat
Ali Khan, were sent to the North-West Frontier Province and
their efforts succeeded in winning a measure of support for the
Muslim League. Eight members of the Assembly elected on the
Independent ticket formed themselves into a nucleus of the Mus¬
lim League Party in the Legislature and, by the end of 1945,
their number had swelled to eighteen. This figure fell to seventeen

* " Fronucr Speaks.” Mohammed Yunus. 1942.
t Pakhtaii Times, April 2(), 1948.

260

Stem Reckoning

after the General Elections of 1945-46. At about this time. Sardar
Aurangzeb Khan lost the active support of the League High
Command, owing to his incompetence and inability to deal with
corruption and maladministration; and Khan Abdul Qaiyuni
Khan, originally a staunch nationalist and Deputy Leader of the
Congress Party in the Central Legislature, came into prominence
as a leader of the Muslim League Party. He is the present*
Premier of the North-West Frontier Province.

We shall presently see what results were brought about by
these two opposing forces and in what manner; but for the cor¬
rect appreciation of these matters it is necessary to review briefly
the recent political events in the Frontier.

The Government of India Act of 1935 provided for a Provin¬
cial Legislature of fifty members. The first elections under the
Act were held in 1937. and the party position was as follows;
Congress 19 (including 15 Muslims), Hindu and Sikh Nationalist
Party 7 and Independents 24 (including 21 Muslims). The Con¬
gress Party did not come forward to form a Ministry at once as
negotiations between the Congress High Command and the British
Government regarding the exact position of the Provincial Gover¬
nors in administrative matters were proceeding, and Sir George
Cunningham, the Governor of the North-West Frontier Province,
invited Nawabzada Sir Abdul Oayyum to form a Ministry. This
invitation was accepted. Sir Abdul Oayyum was able to secure
the support of sonic independent members and the Hindu and
Sikh members of the Nationalist Party. The Ministry, however, did
not command ?» majority in the Assembly and Sir Abdul
Oayyum’s tenure of office was very brief. For some months the
Assembly w'as not convened but, as soon as it met. a no-confidcncc
motii>n, tabled by Dr. Khan Sahib on September 3. 1937. was
carried by twenty-seven votes to twenty-two. Four days later
Dr. Khan Sahib formed a new' Mfnistry and this remained in office
till October 1939. Its achievements, during this brief period of a
little over two years, included the abolition of the institution of
Honorary Magistrates and the removal of Zaildars and Muafidars.
These individuals had constituted a body of corrupt, sycophantic
supporters of the British olficials and their dismissal deprived the
bureaucracy of a permanent and reliable instrument of their
designs. Their own discontent made them walk into the League
camp.t

• 1949.

t Sec note in \ppcndix I, p-usr 317.

f^orth-West Frontier Province

261

After the declaration of war, the Congress High Command
issued instructions to all the Congress Ministries to resign. Dr.
Khan Sahib's Ministry complied with this order and the Governor
took over the administration of the province under the provisions
of section 93. Government of India Act of 1935. This state of
affairs continued till May 25. 1943. The proclamation under sec¬
tion 93 was then revoked and the Governor invited Sardar
Aurangzeb Khan to form a Ministry. During the movement of

1942. ten members of the Congress Parly in the Provincial Legi.s-
laiure had been arrested and imprisoned. Six of these were later
released. The Ministry formed by Sardar Aurangzeb Khan did
not command a majority but the Congress Party, attenuated by
the incarceration of four members and the indisposition of one
more who was in hospital, did not take any part in the Assembly
proceedings and remained absent from the autumn session of

1943. The position of the minority Mini.stry was .somewhat pre¬
carious and it felt compelled to offer the bribe of money and
office to Its supporters. Its first Legislative Act was to pass a Bill
increasing the salaries of the Ministers to almost three times the
previous amount. The number of Ministers was increased from
three to five, and seven of its supporters were given various other
posts as Speaker, Deputy Speaker and Parliamentary Secretaries.

These artificial props, however, did not succeed in keeping
the Ministry long in power and on March 12, 1945, Dr. Khan
Sahib again tabled a no-confidcnce motion against the Ministry
and this motion was carried by twenty-four votes to eighteen.
He had received instructions from the Congress High Command
to accept office and form a Ministry after the defeat of the Aurang¬
zeb Khan Cabinet. The strength of the ministerial party at this
time was twenty-seven. The Muslim League Parly, as stated
above, numbered eighteen. General elections were again held in
1945-46 and these elections witnessed the activities of the alliance
formed between the Muslim League and the officials. Mr. Jinnah
again visited the province. A number of students from Aligarh
were sent to preach communal hatred. The Congress voters were
threatened and intimidated by Police and Civil officials. Khan
Abdul Ghaffar Khan said; “ 1 know for certain that women voters
in the constituency of Qazi Atlaullah Khan, Education Minister,
were waylaid by certain armed noondas and. even when they
managed to reach the polling booth, they were not permitted to
poll. Because of this about three hundred ladies could not vote.
Similarly, anbther of our candidates was deprived of about four

262

Stern Reckoning

hundred votes in Razzar Constituency. In one constituency the
ballot-box of the Congress candidate had been broken.”* In spite
of these efforts the Congress was victorious at the polls. The
party strength was; Congress 30, Muslim League* 17, Jamiat-ul-
Ulema-i-Hind (Nationalist Muslims supporting the Congress pro¬
gramme) 2 and Akali 1. The voting showed that only 25 per cent
of the total electorate voted for the Muslim League. The Congress
defeated the Muslim League candidate in as many as nineteen
contests while the Congress suffered a defeat in eight cases only.

The Congress, with a clear majority in the new Legislature,
now formed a Ministry under the leadership of Dr. Khan Sahib
and remained in office until August 22, 1947. Mr. Jinnah wanted
Lord Mountbatten to make the Ministry resign. Sir Olaf Caroe,
who was then the Provincial Governor, did his best to make
Dr. Khan Sahib give up office. He called Dr. Khan Sahib on
March 18, 1947, and referred to the presence of a large number
of Red Shirts in Peshawar in most deprecating terms. A few
days later he summoned the Cabinet and said, ” The Englishman
who did not allow the reforms to be introduced into the North-
West Frontier Province in 1920 was a fool. He sent the Pathans
into the Congress arms. I shall see that this mistake is rectified.”
He added that, since the last ejections, the Muslim League had
gained strength in the province and, therefore, the Assembly and
the Ministry no longer represented the people. He asked Dr.
Khan Sahib to form a Coalition Government with the Muslim
League and ended by making a categorical demand: “ Coalition
Cabinet or general elections.” The Ministry refused to choose
either alternative, and this was the beginning of an open war
between Sir Olaf Caroe and Dr. Khan Sahib’s Ministry.

To resolve this impasse and carry out the plan of making the
Frontier Province accede to Pakistan the device of holding a
referendum was adopted. Ordinarily, the Provincial Assembly
should have been asked to decide this issue. Mr. Jinnah and the
British Government, however, took the view that the Assembly did
not represent the people of the Frontier Province and, therefore,
a referendum was necessary. The Pathan leaders wanted the issue
of Pathanistan to go before the electorate so that the Pathans could
decide whether (a) to accede to Hindustan, (/>) to accede to Pakis¬
tan or (c) to remain independent of either Dominion. The Viceroy,
however, refused to offer the alternative of Pathanistan and in the

• " The Pathan votes asainst Pakistan," Consrcs.s Central Electior Board Pamphlet
No' 11.

North-West Frontier Province

263

referendum the only issues were India or Pakistan. The Red
Shirts and the Congress Party boycotted the referendum and the
result was overwhelmingly in favour of Pakistan. It is to be
observed, however, that the number of voters who went to the
polls was less than fifty-one per cent of the total electorate.*
The usual Muslim League methods were adopted during this
referendum. The Pir of Manki Sharif or Manki Mullah, as he
was called, assisted by a number of fanatical Maulvis, conducted
a most virulent propaganda among the electors. Accession to
India was interpreted as being synonymous with subordination to
Hindu Raj, unislamic conduct and heresy. It is to be remembered
that this referendum was held in an atmosphere of heat and poison
brought about by months of communal bitterness and rioting. The
susceptibilities of the ignorant and emotional Pathan were played
upon and he was told that he had to choose between the Ouran
and the Gita. Men in hurqa, posing as women, went to the polling
booths over and over again and helped to swell the number of
actual votes cast. The result was thus a foregone conclusion.

With the creation of Pakistan, Mr. Jinnah had obtained from
Lord Mountbatlen special powers as Governor-General of Pakistan
to dismiss Provincial Ministries.! Within a week of assuming
office he had recourse to these powers and Dr. Khan Sahib’s
Ministry was dismissed on August 22, 1947. Khan Abdul Oaiyum
Khan then formed a purely Muslim League Ministry although he
was still in a minority.!

# * * *

The rioting, killing and other anti-Hindu activities in the
North-West Frontier passed through three successive phases; (1)
from the beginning of 1946 till about the third week of February

* Ihc U)tal electorate of the North-West rioiiiiei PioMnic consisted of 572.798 and
ol these only 289.344 \oicd for I’lkistan

+ The Pakistan (Piovincial Constitution) Order, 1947. (Notiflcation No. O.G O. 22.
published in the Gazette o/ Indin ruiaoidinaiv dated the 14th Aurii.si. 1947) amended suh-
scctiim (5) of section 51 of the Government ol Indi.t Act, 19)5. to read “ (5) In the
exercise of his functions under this section with respect to choosing and summoning and
the dismissal of ministers, the Governor sha'I he under the general control of. and comply
with sucK particular directions, if any. as may from time to time he given to him by
the Govcrnor-Gencrdl ”

t Dr. Khan Sahih gave the following account ol this unsavoury episode.

“Before August 15, 1947 Mr Jinnih tried ’o peisuade Lord Mountbatlen to make
the Frontier Ministry icsign. and several times the tiK-n Governor of the North-West
Frontier Province. Sir Olaf Caroe, personally asked me to either tender resignation or take
one Muslim League member in the Cabinet which I, of course, rcluscd. as 1 was
constitutionally installed as the Premier of the majority party in the Legislature. This
attempt having failed. Mr Jinnah tried again to prevail on Lord Mountbatten to dismiss
the Ministry. This lime the matter was icfcncd to the 'then Secretary of Stale for India
who refused to take such .steps on the g oiind that it would be unconstitutional to interfere
with the majority Ministry. Aftei August 15 the newly appointed Governor, Sir George
Cunningham, at once called upon me to resign which 1 flatly icfused as on past occasions.
As a sequel to this finally the unconstiiiitional step was taken by the Governor-General of
Pakistan and mv Ministry was straigiitaway dismi.sscd " Hindutlan Times, June 24, 1948.

264

Stern Reckoning

1947; (2) from February 20, 1947, till August 22. 1947 : and
(3) from August 22, 1947, till the beginning of 1948.

The defeat of the Muslim League in the general elections of
February 1946 had given rise to a feeling of frustration, and the
chagrin of the League leaders was intensified when the Congress
formed an Interim Government at the Centre on September 2, 1946.
The Muslim Leaguers started a vigorous propaganda against the
Sikhs, the Khudai Khidraatgars and the Congress. They proclaimed
that “ Hindu Nehru ” was responsible for the bombing of the
Waziri Tribes and that the Khudai Khidmatgars owed their victory
to the support of the infidel Hindu. When Pandit Nehru announced
his intention of visiting the Frontier, the League Party conducted
an intensive campaign throughout the province. Sir Olaf Caroe
had advised Pandit Nehru not to visit the Frontier but his advice
was not accepted. Subsequent events showed that Sir Olaf did
not disapprove of the League activities against him. Pandit Nehru
was described as the murderer of the Muslims in Calcutta; and,
when he arrived at the Peshawar aerodrome, he was confronted
by a violent and hostile demonstration led by no less a person than
Khan Abdul Oaiyum Khan, the erstwhile Deputy Leader of the
Congress Party at the Centre.* On the eve of his visit to the
Khyber Agency, the Pir of Manki Sharif made a speech at Jamrud
in which he incited the Afridis not to iet the murderer of Muslims
return alive. Pandit Nehru was met with hostile demonstrations -
organized by the Muslim League wherever he went and it was the
influence of the Khan brothers and their vigilance that prevented
the mischievous elements from doing any harm to his person.
The tribal areas were, as has been pointed out above, under the
direct control of the Provincial Governor and he was responsible
for controlling or inspiring these disturbances.

Soon after Pandit Nehru’s visit, the news of the unfortunate
happenings in Bihar arrived, and this gave further opportunity to
the iMuslim Leaguers to intensify their champaign agai/hst the
Khudai Khidmatgars and the non-Muslims. Batches of Muslim
Leaguers from all over the province and the tribal area were sent
to Bihar to see things for themselves. What had happened in
Bihar was gruesome enough, but these Muslim Leaguers, on their
return, gave accounts which were grossly exaggerated and distorted.
They took out processions shouting “ Bihar ka badla Sarhad men
leynge” (“We will avenge Bihar in the Frontier”) and Khoon

• The present Premier of the North-W'est Frontier Province.

t^orth'West Frontier Province

265

ka badla khoon** (“Blood will be avenged by blood'*)- Some
processionists marched through Hazara, exhibiting a number of
skulls which they said were the remains of Muslims murdered in
Bihar. They showed photographs of atrocities committed in Bihar,
blood-stained clothes of children and tom and mutilated leaves of
the Quran. It has been said that the skulls exhibited by the
processionists were dug out of local graveyards. The exhibition,
however, had the desired effect of arousing the bitterest type of
communal feelings. A Uiooni mushaira (blood recital) was held
in a hall, the entrance of which was decorated with human skulls
and bones. A portrait of Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan at one of
Candhiji's meetings was exhibited and it was pointed out that a
Muslim was worshipping a Hindu Bania. It was said that he
had committed a sin against God in allowing his son, Ghani. to
marry a Parsi woman who w'as a fire-worshipper. Dr. Khan Sahib
was maligned in a similar manner and the people were reminded
that his daughter, Mariam, had married an Indian Christian. Bricks,
said to belong to a mosque in Bihar which had been desecrated
and demolished by Hindu rioters, were carried about and shown
around. These demonstrations could not but result m arousing the
wrath of the excitable Pathans beyond control

Rioting began in a number of villages of the Hazara District
-in the beginning of December 1946, Oghi, Shamdhara, Batal,
Balakot, Patan Kalan, Rangaryal, Manakrai, Bairkund and some
other villages were attacked by the Muslim mobs. The Hindu
population of these villages was small and quite unable to defend
itself. The Hindu and Sikh shops were looted and set fire to. In
some villages a few non-Muslims were murdered. There were in¬
stances of desecration of Gurdwaras and temples, but the energies
of the Muslim mobs were concentrated chiefly on looting and burn¬
ing. The disturbances spread to the hilly tracts of the district
round about Nathia Galli and continued through the month of
January 1947. Rajoia, a village ten miles from Abottabad, was
attacked on January 1. and about eighty shops and houses,
belonging to non-Musliras. were looted and burnt. Havelian
was attacked on January 2, and the temples and Gurdwaras were
plundered. Mori, Manshera, Narabal, Patan Khurd and Mulia were
also attacked, in a similai manner, during the month of January
1947. A Sikh woman whose husband was murdered by the rioters
was abducted in the end of December, and forcibly married to a
Muslim. The Matter was reported to the authorities and a Muslim

266

Stern Reckoning

Magistrate was appointed to examine the woman. As the result of
the statement made by her. Dr. Khan Sahib directed that the woman
should be returned to her relations. This naturally caused resentment
among the kidnappers and agitation was started against Dr. Khan
Sahib. At about this time a number of by-elections in Hazara
District had resulted in the victory of the Muslim League candi¬
dates. and, to celebrate this victory, a procession was taken out in
the town of Mardan. The processionists went to the residence
of the Deputy Commissioner and demanded the return of the
Sikh girl who had been restored to her relations. The Deputy
Commissioner promulgated an order prohibiting processions and
public speeches under section 144, Criminal Procedure Code.
Khan Abdul Oaiyum Khan defied this order and addressed the
Muslim League procession He was arrested on February 20,
1947, and this circumstance was utilized by the Leaguers in
inciting further opposition to Dr Khan Sahib’s Ministry. A
large mob attacked the residence of Dr. Khan Sahib in Peshawar
and threw stones at it. Dr. Khan Sahib himself escaped but his
son-in-law was injured.

The distiicls of Ha/ara and Dcra Ismail Khan constitute the
non-Pushto-speaking areas, and, in thc.se tv^o districts, the Punjabi
influence predominates, whereas, in the remaining districts of the
province which constitute the Pushto-speaking area the Congress
had a strong hold over tlie Pathans. The Muslim League was.
therefore, strongest in the districts of Ha/ara and Dera Ismail
Khan, and the noting in the>e two districts was much more violent
than in the other districts Hitherto trouble had been con¬
fined mainly to the district of Ha/ara although there had been
stray incidents in Kohat, in which district the village Toghbala
was attacked by a Muslim mob in the month of January. The
civil disobedience movement, started by the Muslim League
towards the end of February 1947. began to poison the atmos¬
phere in the entire province;, and disturbances were witnessed in
almost all the districts. A number of stabbing and shooting inci¬
dents took place in the city and cantonments of Peshawar, in the
beginning of March. In the neighbouring villages, the Muslim
Leaguers had begun to convert Hindus to Islam, and many of
them had to be evacuated under military escort. The news
of these happenings brought about a state of panic among the
non-Muslim residents of Peshawar. For ten days they remained
confined to their houses and did not dare to venture out in the
streets. The Provincial Assembly was at the time holding its

A street in Dera Ismail Kf^

^ Nortk-West Frontier Province ‘267

Budget Se^ion/' The Ministry felt that if they took any drastic
action the Governor might take the extreme step of dissolving the ,
Assembly. They, therefore, kept their counsel until the budget
was passed. Then they held a secret meeting and decided to call
in the assistance of the Red Shirts. Whips were sent out in the
evening and by the next morning ten thousand Red Shirts had
arrived in Peshawar. They were posted throughout the city and
their presence brought confidence to the people and normal
conditions were restored.

In April 1947, Dcra Ismail Khan was in flames. On the
14th and I5lh attacks were made on the villages surrounding the
town of Dera Ismail Khan and. on the 15th, a large mob invaded
the city and began to loot and set fire to the non-Muslim shops
and houses. The entire non-Mushm population withdrew and
entrenched themselves in a distant quarter of the city from where
they watched the destruction of their property in helpless despair.
The assault continued for three whole days and it is estimated
that about twelve hundred shops owned by non-Muslims were
destroyed. This deva'^tating attack reduced the city to a smoulder¬
ing ruin at the end ol three days. Attacks on other villages in
the district followed and in some cases the entire non-Muslim
population was killed or forcibly converted Kulachi. a Tehsil
headquarter town where about two thousand non-Muslims resided,
was attacked by a mob of several thousands on April 22, The
Frontier Constabulary present in the town did nothing to help or
protect the non-Mushms and allowed the mob to loot and burn
their houses. On May 2. Kulachi was again attacked by a Mus¬
lim mob led by a member of the Frontier Legislative Assembly
and a Sub-Inspectoi of Police During this month a number of
villages m Kohat District was attacked by Muslim mobs. The
casualties in these villages were not large because the number of
non-Muslims was extremely small. These unfortunate people found
themselves entirely at the mercy of the attackers and, when asked
to embrace Islam, saw no other alterna.tive but to submit. The
non-Muslim residents of Kalagoth, on hearing of the trouble at
Dera Ismail Khan, left their village in a body on April 16, 1947.
They were, however, waylaid and attacked. They ran back to
their village, pursued by the Muslims who burnt their houses and
plundered the village Gurdwara. Village Paroa was attacked on
April 15 and the attack continued through the night. The non-
Muslim residents of the village tried to defend themselves as best
they could. The attack was repeated the next night when the

. 268, Stem Reckoning

Muslim mobs succeeded in breaking open a number of houses.
On April 22, the police brought lorries in order to evacuate the
non-Muslims. The lorries were attacked by a mob of Pathan^
who killed twelve Hindus and injured fifteen. In village Malana
about sixty non-Muslim families lived. The village was attacked
on April 15. Sixty houses and shops were looted and burnt and
fifty-two persons were killed by a Muslim mob. It will be tire¬
some to repeat instances but there is overwhelming evidence to
prove that almost every village in the district, containing non-
Muslirns, was attacked and looted in this way.

For some weeks there was comparative peace although stray
attacks in towns and villages continued. For instance, village
Laclu in district Kohat was attacked in the month of May. Vil¬
lage Teli in Waziristan was attacked in June, and in the same
month a number of Hindus who left village Thai by train were
attacked by a Muslim mob. Forty persons were killed and five
women were abducted. Village Ambar Kalan in district Hazara
was attacked in the end of July. But the efforts of Dr. Khan
Sahib's Ministry were, to some extent, responsible for stemming the
tide of lawlessness.

On August 15, 1947, Pakistan was established, and Mr.
Jinnah found himself possessed with powers to dismiss a recal¬
citrant Congress Ministry. As soon as Khan Abdul Qaiyum
Khan was installed in oflicc, he began a virulent propaganda
against the non-Mushms exaggerated aecounts of the events in
East Punjab and the atrocities to which the Muslims had been
subjected, were spread throughout the province in order to arouse
the passions ol the Pathans. A deputation of the Muslim
Leaguers was sent to East Punjab and the accounts which they
gave on their return aggravated the situation. In the last week
of August rioting on a very large scale broke out in the town of
Haripur. Almost the entire Hindu property in the town was
destroyed. The Hindu population, numbering several thousands,
was taken to a refugee camp but the camp was attacked by Mus¬
lims and three hundred refugees were killed. The temples and
Gurdwaras in Haripur were sacked and burnt. On August 27,
village Lalogali in district Hazara was attacked and the Hindus
were forcibly converted to Islam. Trouble spread to other districts
and to Waziristan. The influence of the Khudai Khid-
matgars in Bannu and in Mardan and Charsadda Tehsils was
strong and there the disturbances did not assume large propor¬
tions. In the beginning of September arson, looting and killing

North-West Frontier Provihce JXN

started in Peshawar City. The attack this time was more deter¬
mine and the Red Shirts could not come to the rescue. The
hssault began with the usual stories, spread by the Muslim
Leaguers, that a mob of Sikhs had collected to attack the Muslims.
In order to ward off this attack the Muslims were asked to arm
and collect themselves in large numbers. The mob then pro¬
ceeded against the imaginay Sikh assailants and attacked the
suburbs of Peshawar. They invaded the city and went about loot¬
ing, burning and killing. Some of the rioters were seen going
about in jeeps and cars. Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan, the Premier,
had to go to Rawalpindi to meet the West Punjab Premier and
rioting began soon after he left Peshawar on September 7. The
following is an account given by an official of the Government of
India posted at Peshawar at the time;

“ Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan could hardly have left Pesha¬
war when Leaguers went about in a car in Peshawar City
proclaiming that a Sikh regiment was going to attack Muslims.
Similar emissaries went about in different parts of Peshawar Can¬
tonment and adjoining villages on cycles, asking people to come
out with guns and pistols to repel the Sikh attack. It was a Sun¬
day and the shops were closed. Panic-stricken Hindus and Sikhs
ran to their houses and shut themselves up in their niohallas and
blocks. The myth of a Sikh attack has invariably been the signal
for the butchery of minorities in the Frontier. On many occa¬
sions this false alarm has been succe.ssfully used, and the mino¬
rities m Peshawar at once sensed that the fateful hour had arrived.

“ In the Cantonment, police guards at Salwan Refugee Camp
and some other prominent shops and houses at once fled to the
police station at this false alarm signal. To appeals from
Hindus and Sikhs for posting of police and military and enforce¬
ment of curfew, the only answer given by the authorities was that
Sikh and Muslim troops were fighting among themselves and all
the force available was occupied there. .This was again a myth
which has been exploded by the military spokesman in New
Delhi,

“ Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan has been loud in proclaiming to
the outside world that eneniies of Pakistan, i.e., Khudai Khid-
matgars and Zialm-i-Pukhtoon, were responsible for the circulation
of this false rumour. But his own clerk who answered the tele¬
phone call on the 7th, in his absence, repeated the story of Sikh
■and Muslim troops having clashed. The Deputy Commissioner
and the Inspector-General of Police could not be contacted on the

270

Stem Reckoning

telephone. They were all out. But their clerks and orderlies who
answered the telephone further harped on the same theme.

“ Asked whether Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan had been
informed about the situation that was developing, his Persona]
Assistant replied that it was for the C.I.D. to do so.

“ Thus the field was left open for the goondas to start murder
and arson. Curfew was not even formally imposed till 5-30 p.m.
The forces of law and order were either away from the scene or
acted as full-fledged partisans. Little boys, servants and mails
of Government tifticers, sweepers and riff-raff in the cantonments,
absolule’y unarmed, were seen breaking open the locks of shops
and helping themselves to the goods while constables stood gossip¬
ing here and there. Occasionally they claimed their share of the
loot when they saw something attractive.

“ As the news of this universal loot spread to the adjoining
villages. League Khans got into their cars with armed servants and
carried back cart-loads of looted property. Within a couple of
hours, threatening armed gangs from the neighbouring villages
entered the City and Cantonments. They were guided by police or
some local Leaguers to Hindu and Sikh shops. They broke open
the locks by firing shots and escaped with lorry-loads of goods.

“ More gruesome tragedies happened in the Civil Quarters and
Railway Quarters where Hindu and Sikh Government servants
along with their women and children were done to death. , . .

“ For nearly twelve hours the non-MusIims fought the ruffians
heroically while flames enveloped them and bullets were being
showered on them. Some brave women committed suicide. The
Civil Quarters are a stone’s-throw from the Lines of the Frontier
Constabulary. We cannot believe that the authorities were
unaware of these happenings. Ci|rfcw was imposed at 5-30 p.m.
The Deputy Commissioner himself told one of us on the telephone
at about 6 p.m that unfortunately there had been considerable
loss of life in the Cantonments. The mob at the Civil Quarters
was not very big. It is difficult to understand why no effort was
made by him to rescue the non-Muslims till one of them managed
to escape and knocked for help at his bungalow at about 10 p.m.

“ Tn spile of the curfew, till Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan
arrived at 5 p.m. on Monday the 8th, loot, arson and murder went
on unchecked. Fire consumed a part of the city. Shots rang on
all sides. League-minded Muslim shopkeepers dumped the looted

North-West frontier Province ' >.271

> * ^
property in their shops and houses to be cleared at night by lorries,
trucks, tongas and carts.

“ While the Delhi Cloth Mills shop in Peshawar Cantonments
was being looted at 1 p.m. on Monday the 8th, during curfew
hours, both the West Police Station and the Deputy Commissioner
were informed on the telephone of this happening. Military arrived
on the spot and saw that bales were being removed. But after
some ‘chitchat’ with the ringleaders they went away. So did
the police.

“ The Private Secretary to the Governor was informed of the
situation on the telephone on the 7th. i.e.. Sunday evening. His
reply was ‘ What can H.E. do? Ask the police.’ The Chief Secre¬
tary gave the same reply on the 10th morning.

“ It is difhcult to assess the total number of deaths and the
loss of properly. Dead bodies were being removed from isolated
houses in Cantonments for many days after these happenings.
Conditions for several weeks did not permit free movement on the
part of any member of the minorities. Two Hindus were shot dead
in the city when they went from the refugee camp to their shops
to collect their goods, a few days after the loot.”

With the arrival of the Premier in Peshawar on the 8th even¬
ing, the situation was to some extent controlled, but this only
diverted the attack from Peshawar to Nowshera where trouble
broke out the same day. Nowshera Cantonment was attacked by
a large riotous mob. In Nowshera the non-Muslims are in a majo¬
rity but they found themselves helpless when assaulted suddenly
by a furious armed mob. A number of bungalows and houses
were set on fire. When the residents tried to escape they were
shot dead. In one house a number of persons were burnt alive.
The attack continued throughout the Cantonment until the after¬
noon of the 9th when the Jal military arrived and controlled the
situation. It is estimated that about two thousand persons lost
their lives and about four hundred women were abducted. Of
these nearly half were restored subsequently.

The town of Abbottabad was subjected to a fierce attack on
the night between the 6th and 7th December 1947. Mahasha Shiv
Ram, a member of the Provincial Legislative Assembly who was
in the military camp, was murdered.

We shall conclude this chapter by giving a brief account of
the gruesome*tragedy enacted at Parachinar towards the end of
January 1948. Parachinar is a Kurram Agency Headquarters

272 Stem Reckoning

t V

situated amongst the -hills at a height of nearly six thousand feet
The Grand Trunk Road connects it with Thai and Kohat and
there was a regular lorry service between Kohat and Parachinar.,
The railway station for Parachinar is Thai. The population of
Parachinar was about eleven thousand persons of whom nearly
two thousand were non-Muslims. Business and trade were almost
entirely in the hands of Hindus and Sikhs who also ovmed a
large area of agricultural land in the Kurram Agency. For some
months, before the fighting in Kashmir began, arms were freely
distributed among the Muslims who were asked to volunteer and
join the raiders. On October 20, 1947, a Muslim dead body was
brought from Kashmir to a village, five miles from Parachinar,
and given a public burial. This infuriated the Muslims and they
attacked the Hindus and Sikhs living in the village. The incident
was regarded as a danger-signal by the non-Muslim residents of
the neighbouring villages and they began to leave. The Assistant
Political Agent; however, asked them to stay on, and gave them
assurances of safely On October 26, 1947, a Muslim mob, sup¬
ported by the militia, made an attack on the Hindu quarter of
Parachinar. They burnt some houses and desecrated the Gurd-
wara. Conditions deteriorated, and on November 4, 1947, the
non-Muslims were asked to proceed to a camp near the Fort
of Parachinar. They were allowed to take only twenty-two seen
of personal luggage and some tood The camp was set up outside
the walls of Parachinar Fort at a distance of about three
miles from the town. The arms and ammunition of the non-
Muslims who went to the camp were seized and taken away.

There were about fifteen hundred non-Muslims in this camp
hut the arrangements for their food and drink were far from
satisfactory. They had to purchase their rations privately at
exorbitant prices. The militia wJfo were posted for their safety
had to be bribed, and the officials demanded heavy bribes for
escorting them to a place of safety. They agreed to evacuate them
on promise of being paid Rs. 65,000. By the middle of November
some more non-Muslims had arrived in the camp from the neigh¬
bouring villages and the total number rose to about two thousand.
On December 5, 1947, Sir George Cunningham, the Provincial
Governor, paid a visit to the camp. The refugees laid their diffi¬
culties before him and asked for immediate evacuation from the
i^mp. The Governor, however, told, them that he cduld make no
"arrangements for their transport, and returned to Peshawar. On

North-West Frantic FrOvince '' 275 '

• ,

Decembet 8, 1947, the Assistant Political Agent asked the refugees
to go back to their houses and even had some of the tents pulled*
down in order to force them to leave the camp. It was bitterly
cold at the time and some women and children died of exposure.
The refugees, however, did not leave the camp as life in the villages
was fraught with the gravest danger. A few days later the refugees
were told that they would be forcibly ejected. This state of affaire
continued until January 20, 1948, when the refugees heard that a
Muslim mob was getting ready to attack the camp. On the
following day, telegrams were sent to the Political Agent and
other persons for help. On January 22, at about 11 a.m., some
officers arrived and asked the refugees to get ready for removal
to Arawali Camp. The refugees packed up their things and
waited till 4 p.m. At that hour three lorries arrived to transport
two thousand refugees. No one was prepared to leave the camp
in these circumstances, but the militia beat the refugees and
arrested four of them on the ground that they were spreading dis¬
affection and dissuading the others from leaving the camp. That
evening the camp was attacked by a large Muslim mob armed
with guns, spears, hatchets, etc. The attack continued till 8-30 p.m.
and the militia, numbering about five or six hundred, joined the
attackers. One hundred and thirty-eight Hindus and Sikhs were
killed, one hundred and fifty more were injured and two hundred
and twenty-three women were carried away. The mob looted the
entire property of the non-Muslims and some of them were seen
searching the dead bodies.

When the news of this horrible massacre arrived in Delhi it
was feared that communal rioting might once again disturb the
peace of the metropolis, but extensive police precautions and the
counsel of the saner elements were successful in preserving an
atmosphere of calm and tranquillity.

VIJ

Tons les hommes se ressemblent si fort qu’il n*y a point
de peuple dont les sottises ne nous doivent faire trembler.

Fontemelle

Cet animal est trds mechant
Quand on Vattaque il se defend.

Theodore

CHAPTER SEVEN

RETALIATION

The events described in the preceding chapters could not but
&il to arouse horror and indignation all over India, and more parti¬
cularly in the eastern districts of the Punjab, where the arrival of
large numbers of non-Muslims from West Punjab furnished con¬
crete proof of the manner in which the plans and designs of the
Muslim League were being executed. The burning and killing
which took place in the towns of Lahore, Multan and Rawalpindi
and in the rural areas of the districts of Rawalpindi, Multan and
Jhelum, in the beginning of March, compelled thousands of Hindu
and Sikh residents to leave their homes and seek temporary or
permanent shelter in the comparative security of the Muslim
minority districts. They related the talcs of their sufferings and,
as their anger mounted, they spoke of revenge and retaliation.
During the months that followed, the pressure was kept up by the
recrudescence of trouble in Lahore and by the constant influx of
refugees from all parts of West Punjab. Hopes of a peaceful
settlement and a satisfactory rapprochement receded with wvery
fresh outbreak of communal frenzy. Resentment grew with the
arrival of every batch of bereaved and im|)overished persons.
These people, bruised in their minds and bodies, deprived of their
property and their means of livelihood, did not hesitate to exaggerate
the severity of the blows inflicted upon them or the extent of their
suffering. They had been unable to hit back at their assailants
who heavily outnumbered them; but the desire for revenge
remained and, towards the end of July, began to assume the pro¬
portions of a categorical imperative. Stories began to be heard
of small groups of Sikhs roaming the countryside in Amritsar
District, and attacking a lonely Muslim or setting fire to a Muslim
house. Serious trouble broke out in the* town of Amritsar, in the
beginning of August, and there was considerable loss of Muslim
life and property. Lahore was once again ablaze, and the news
of the happenings in that town had serious repercussions in several
towns of East Punjab. The intensity of the rioting in Amritsar
achieved a new record and began to spread to other districts. The
division of the Punjab was given effect to on the midnight between
the 14th an4 15th of August 1947, although the Award of the

278

Stern Reckoning^

Boundary Commission was not annoan<^d till two days later. The
terms of the Award caused a great deal of disappointment and
frustration. The Sikhs made no secret of the resentment they felt
at losing their historic shrines and almost the entire rich colony
area. They felt that the division of their community into two
halves would result in the lowering of their political status in both
parts of the Punjab. The Muslims had also lost some areas in
which they had had a majority of population. The loss of Lahore
and the consequent deprivation of a large number of cultural and
educational institutions, of their property and wealth was keenly
felt by the Hindus At the same time, partition brought a <»?tain
measure of relief, for the non-Muslims in East Punjab felt that they
had gained independence, though at a terrible cost. The feeling
grew that Hindus and Sikhs could now retaliate with impunity and
avenge some, at least, of the wrongs suffered at the hands of the
Muslims in West Punjab.

The new regime in East Punjab started functioning in circum¬
stances which were extremely abnormal. Not only did the new
Government inherit a legacy of serious lawlessness and disorder
from their predecessors , but, for want of a suitable place to locate
their headquarters, they had to split up their administrative
machinery into several parts in order to find accommodation for
the various oflices and staff The machinery for law and order,
which had worked under a great strain for several months, was
thrown completely out of gear by large-scale desertions of Muslim
policemen, who predominated in the Force * Hie lack of experi¬
enced and well-disciplined officers and hurried transfers and
postings, even of senior officers, deprived them of the benefit
of local knowledge and. to that extent, impaired their ability
to deal with the difficult problems that faced them. Certain
sections of people, who had been kept down by ruthless
force by the previous admimstration, took advantage of
this situation and started trouble both m towns and villages.
1 he cumulative effect of it all was that the administration virtually
broke down for about a week and there was considerable chaos
and lawlessness in a large part of the province.

* 74 1 pti cent of the rcRular Police Force in thi anited Punjab was Muslim and 78 2
ptr cent ot th( Additional Police was Muslim In the Ambala Ranse, out of a total Of
3 09S constables 1 861 wtic Muslims In the Julundut Range, out of a total of 3,368 police
constables 2 119 were Muslims In the Lahore Range there were 4,403 Muslim constables out
of a total of 7 204 1 he Oovernment of East Punjab thus found themselves depleted of more

ttian half ot (he available Police To'ce

Retaliation ^ 279

" The OoVemmeat and the leaders of all communities earned a
great deal of criticism and odium at the hands of the public,
during the first fortnight of the new regime. This was especially
so among the Sikhs because their leaders had encouraged fond
hopes of getting them their Gurdwaras and a part of the colony
lands. An impression gained ground that Sikh leadership had
proved unequal to the occasion, and the leaders had committed
blunders which had resulted in the community being nearly
ruined. The Congress leaders were accused of having brought
this calamity on the non-Muslims of the Punjab by following a
policy of appeasement towards Muslims and it was freely said
that the intransigence of Mr. Jinnah had not been dealt with
firmly. The Government were charged with inefficiency and
tardiness in dealing with the border incidents, the evacuation and
rehabilitation of refugees. East Punjab had no Press or other
means of publicity to counteract this propaganda and this un¬
informed criticu'.m held the field for a considerable time.

Following upon the divSturbances in Amritsar, rioting, arson
and murder broke out in the districts of Gurdaspur. Jullundur.
Ho^hiarpur, Ludhiana and Ferozepore. The trouble soon spread
to the rural areas and there were reports of attacks and counter¬
attacks, on a large stale, in almost all districts of the Jullundur Divi¬
sion. Tt is impossible to make a correct estimate of the total number
of persons killed but, it is feared, that several thousand persons lost
their lives. Muslim losses in these nots were naturally much
heavier than non-Muslim losses, but the loss of Hindu property
was con.sidcrable. The news from West Punjab, where massacre
and looting of non-Muslims on a large scale were taking place,
continued to agitate the public mind. The atrocity stories led to
flare-ups m several places and the authorities had the greatest
difficulty in bringing the situation under control. As the refugees
progressed eastward, communal trouble followed in their wake.
By the end of August the atmosphere throughout East Punjab had
become very tense, and it was realized that more tioublc was in
store.

The scale and extent of these riots had not been correctly
foreseen and the arrangements made to deal with them proved
inadequate. The Punjab Boundary Force, which had been
specially set up to deal with disputes in connection with the de¬
marcation of 4he boundary, did useful work to start with, but the

280 Stern Reckonm$i

troops did not take long to become infected 'witb communalism,
and complaints of wanton and unprovoked excesses began coming
in from several quarters. In answer to an insistent demand by
the public, a decision to disband the Boundary Force was taken
towards the end of August. Economic factors added to the
troubles of Government and to the discontent in East Punjab.
The food arrangements in rationed towns were thrown out of gear
by the arrival of a very large number of refugees and, at some
places, the position was precarious, indeed even dangerous. Com¬
plaints ot shortages began to pour in from a number of districts
and. with the complete dislocation of transport, food stocks could
not be moved easily from the surplus to the deficit areas. This
state of affairs led in various places to the looting of Muslim
property.

During the month of September, communal incidents conti¬
nued to occur in all parts of the province of East Punjab and
rendered resumption of normal life difficult, except perhaps in
some towns where the exist ot the Muslim population and its re¬
placement bv Hindu and Sikh refugees gave some semblance of
restoration of normal conditions. Border incidents were conti-
nuousl> reported in Feiozcporc and Amritsar Districts. There
were several instances of Muslim League National Guards and the
West Punjab Police trespassing into East Punjab territory and
taking away cattle and other property. Military vehicles were also
alleged to have entered some districts with stocks of illicit arms
for distribution among Muslims. The mam theatres of trouble
during the first fortnight of September were the three districts of
the Hariana Tract Kama), Rohlak and Hissar Trouble on a
lesser scale also occurred in some districts ot the Jullundur Divi¬
sion. Even Simla and Kaiigra Districts were affected and there
w'erc reports of sporadic cases of murder, arson and looting. The
vernacular Press added fuel to the fire of fren/y by giving highly
coloured and unilateral account^' of the unfortunate happenings
on both sides of the border. We must also confess that there was
a regrettable lack of honesty ot purpose on the part of the police
and certain other agencies in charge of the maintenance of law
and order. This was found especially marked in the Railway
Police in Ambala and a number of their men had to be arrested.
A large number of arrests of policemen had to be made on
charges of looting and murder in other districts also. This apathy
of the police, combined with their inadequacy, made matters very
difficult indeed. People who had suffered at the hands of the

Retaliation

281

Muslims in West Punjab, and they included non-Muslim police¬
men, found it difficult to resist or prevent the temptation of loot
or to connive at damage to Muslim life and property.

Towards the end of August, a camp for about six thousand
Muslims was set up in Hansi, district Hissar. A sweeping attack
on this camp was made by Jats, Rajputs, Sikhs and Banias. The
attack lasted for several days and resulted in very heavy loss of
Muslim life.

Relations between the Muslims and the non-Muslims in the
Ambala District had been strained for many years, particularly
over the vexed question of cow-slaughter during Id, In previous
years firing had been resorted to, in order to control the situation.
Feeling in the Rupar Sub-Division had been particularly bitter
owing to the grant of a new licence for cow-slaughter, three years
before the partition took place, in a Muslim village, surrounded
on all sides by Sikh villages, of which many were in the territory of
the Patiala State. Every year military aid was called in to maintain
peace in this village. Ambala occupied a central position for the
evacuation of Muslim and non-Muslim refugees by rail, road and air.
Non-Muslim refugees arrived in hundreds of thousands by trains
and in thousands by planes for dispersal to the different districts
of East Punjab. The proximity of five States (Patiala, Bilaspur,
Nalagarh, Sirmur and Kalsia) was another handicap for the
Ambala authorities in maintaining order. These States provided
convenient spring-boards for marauders who launched their
offensive and then quicklj retreated before they could be appre¬
hended or dealt with. A camp for about sixty thousand Muslims
was set up at Kurali (Rupar Sub-Division). Severe rioting broke
out in several parts of Ambala District and the loss of Muslim
life was heavy, particularly in the Rupar Sub-Division where it is
estimated that between ten and twelve thousand Muslims lost their
lives. Some other parts of the district were also affected and the
Muslim evacuee camp at Kalka was attacked by an armed mob
who opened fire and threw some hand-grenades, killing ten and
injuring fifty. The assailants were driven off by the military
guard. But Ambala City and Cantonments remained almost free
from trouble. There was a large camp of nearly 180,(X)0 Muslims
near Ambala City and between thirty and forty thousand Muslims
were living in their homes in the city of Ambala. The total loss
of Muslim life in Ambala City and Cantonments was less than
one hundred, though there was a certain amount of looting of
Muslim property even after the Muslims had been evacuated.
19

282

Stem Reckoning

Belongings of Muslims had been collected in dumps at convenient
centres for safe custody, and much of this property was stolen and
looted. It must be recorded that the Muslim refugees spoke very
highly of the police arrangements made for their safety at the
District Headquarters.

Trouble started in Simla on September 9. Owing to bitter
communal tension in the police ranks, the Muslim police constables
had to be disarmed. No military assistance was available and
arson and looting on a considerable scale broke out. There were
also several cases of stabbing. The exploding of two hand>
grenades, in the Muslim refugee camp, resulted in the death of
thirteen Muslims and the wounding of fifteen others. It was
reported that bands of Sikh marauders from Patiala were
mainly responsible for the trouble in Simla. The Bishop of Lahore
who was at the time staying in Simla, wrote: “Two days ago
I buried an old friend of mine who died of cancer. We had the
greatest difficulty in getting her body to the cemetery as our bier-
bearers were all Muslims. We got police escort in the end. On
the way we came across one Muslim hacked to death: on the
way back two or three more—coolies carrying loads who had no
chance of defending themselves.”

There were several attacks on trains between Jullundur and
Ludhiana and between Ludhiana and Rajpura. Sikh jatlia.s from
Patiala were said to he responsible for these attacks. The
authorities, at this time, were dismayed to see that there was “ very
little evidence of willingness on the part of the Sikhs to cry a halt.”
It will be remembered that, by this time, the Sikhs had become
special targets of Muslim fury in West Punjab. A Sikh was not
safe anywhere and was killed at sight.

Serious trouble broke out at Hoshiarpiir towards the end
of August, rhe situation afr Ludhiana showed no sign of
improving.

Delhi had been used as a base by the Muslim League and
the police had received reports of underground activities on the
part of the League National Guards. An abortive attempt to create
disorder, in November 1946. failed but Muslim preparations
continued, and there is abundant evidence to show that arms were
being secretly collected by the Muslims. Riots broke out in Delhi
in the beginning of September, and for a fortnight, beginning
September 6. large-scale looting of property and stal>bing in almost

Retaliation

283

all localities of the capital took place. In these riots Muslims
were found to be heavily armed. They used automatic weapons,
country-made cannons, rifles, bombs, mortars and other missiles.
It was reported that Muslim ammunition dealers had lestricted the
sale of ammunition to members of their own community and this
sale was on a fairly liberal scale. One Haji Obediillah played a
prominent part in the riots in the area of Subzimandi and he was
responsible for importing large quantities of weapons into Delhi.
The shops of Muslim blacksmiths and motor mechanics were con¬
verted into small arsenals where spears, mortars and crude muzzle-
loading guns were manufactured. After the riots, it was discovered
that many Muslim localities had been provided with a wireless
transmitter and receiving set; and these instruments were used for
exchanging messages between the various areas. As many as
thirteen wireless transmitters were recovered by the police. A burnt
Signal Corps Radio Transmitter was recovered from the r.'mains of
the Dawn Press which had been set on fire. In Subzimandi area a
tunnel was discovered in which a large quantity of aims and
ammunition had been stored. Loss of Muslim life in the Delhi
riots was considerable and, although the exact numbers cannot be
determined, the police received reports of five hundred and seven
Muslims killed and two hundred and ninety-seven injured. It is
almost certain that an equal number of killed and wounded was
not reported to the police and the total casualties may. therefore,
be placed at more than one thousand killed and an equal number
injured. As against this seventy-six Hindus were reported to have
been killed and ninety-seven injured. These figures, however,
do not correctly indicate the provocation given by the
Muslims. The first incident occurred on August 21, 1947, when an
explosion took place in Sbahadara, in a house beh>nging to a Mus¬
lim student. It was believed that the student was trying to prepare
a bomb which exploded accidentally. ^ On August 25, four Muslim
workers of the Birla Mills were killed during a scuffle between the
Hindu and Muslim workers. On the night of September 3. a bomb
exploded in a Hindu locality in Oarol Bagh. A rumour spread
through the locality that the bomb had been thrown by a Muslim.
Whether this rumour was correct or false, it led to a sudden flare-
up of communal frenzy and rioting began in the Oarol Bagh area.
A mob of rowdy Muslims was seen parading the streets and
Dr. Joshi, a re/iident of Qarol Bagh, went out to reason with them.
He was shot dead by Dr. Oureshi who was in the mob. This

" 284

Stern Reckoning

incident had serious repercussions iii other parts of Delhi.* Rioting
spread soon afterwards to Subzimandi, Turkman Gate, Paharganj,
Phaiak Ha bash Khan and other parts of the city.

The Delhi Police Force was sixty per cent Muslim and the
Civil Authorities found it difficult to control the situation. There
was constant firing by the Muslims in Paharganj, Subzimandi and
Turkman Gate. fhe Khaksars confined in the District Jail
attacked and killed a Hindu warder, and the police had to open fire
upon them. In the Subzimandi area a veritable battle between
the Muslims and the police lasted for a whole day. The official
account says: " On September 8, at 7 a.m., a police patrol, headed
by a Sub-lnspcctor on duty in Subzimandi area, heard .sounds of
firing. They proceeded to the scene of occurrence and saw the
Muslims firing on Hindus of the locality. The police party returned
the fire but many of them were wounded, including an Assistant
Sub-Inspector who had to be sent to hospital. As the police force
available was inadequate, military help was sought and a posse of
military arrived at the spot with a Magistrate. The Muslims
opened fire on the military also and wounded several men. Another
Assi.stant Sub-Inspector of Police was fatally shot by the Muslims.
The Sub/iniandi Police Station was also fired at. and the battle
continued till 6 p.hi. when the Muslims surrendered and asked to
be evacuated to a safe place.”

Reports of these occurrences exacerbated the non-Muslim
feeling in the capital and large-scale looting and burning (>f Muslim
property was reported from se\'cral quarters of the city. There
were also attacks on Muslim life and in the course of four days
several hundred Muslims were murdered. There was a great deal
of disturbance in the rural areas surrounding the capital. Muslim
villages were attacked and set on fire and the residents were mur¬
dered, In many instances, the Muslims were found to be armed
with firearms, but they were heavily outnumbered and quickly over¬
powered. In some villages trouble was started by the Meo
residents. Hindu villages were attacked and burnt down. The
Meos were ultimately driven out and many of them were wiped out
in the neighbouring Slate of Alwar.

* Di Ourc!>hi W.IS tried on a charge ol niuider and convicted, and his conviction waa
nphcld on appc.-il hy the East Pitniah High Court. He was .subsequently uansferred to
Pakistan in pursuance of the inu-fDoininion agreement for the exchange of prisoners. As
soon as he arrived at Lahore he was relca.sed unconditionally and* feted as a patriot
and a hero

Retaliation

The police found several heaps of dead bodies, burning on both
sides of the railway track near Badli Railway Station. It transpired
that two passenger trains had been attacked by an armed mob and
Muslim passengers had been dragged out and murdered. Village
Barwala was attacked by a mob of armed non-Muslims. It was
reported that about fifty houses were burnt down and three hundred
and eighty-nine Muslims were murdered. Police help was sent but
the mob defied the police firing and continued the massacre and
depredation till a heavy contingent of armed police and military
reserve reached the spot. On September 4, a number of Hindu
labourers of the Delhi Cloth Mills, on their way home, killed every
Muslim they met. On September 7 and 8, the Muslim shops in
Connaught Circus were looted and burnt down. The police and
military were ordered to shoot at sight, and the Prime Minister of
India himself visited the spot at the risk of his life. On September
d, a number of wagons containing goods booked for Pakistan were
standing in the station yard of the Delhi Main Railway Station.
Four of these were set on fire and four more were looted. Almost
the entire Muslim population was forced to leave and seek refuge
in a number of refugee camps set up by the Administration. Nearly
all of them have now returned to their original homes and are lead¬
ing a peaceful life. Stray ca.ses of assault continued until the
end of September, when the situation was finally brought under
control. Besides a number of unlicensed guns, daggers and knives,
one hundred and fifty-rour bombs, forty-five mortars, one thousand
nine hundred and fifty rounds of rifle ammunition, thirteen wireless
transmitters, a number of hand-grenades, Sten gun cartridges and
a quantity of chemicals were recovered by the police from Muslim
houses.

Heavy rains in the province during the second half of Septem¬
ber caused widespread distress and loss of life and property. The
Sutlej, Beas and Ravi overflowed their banks and wiped out several
villages. The Hydro-electric Power Station at Jogindernagar was
thrown out of order; and, besides stoppages in industrial and busi¬
ness undertakings, several towns w'ere plunged into darkness for a
period of nine days. The floods interfered seriously with the means
of communication. The main rail and road bridges on the Grand
Trunk Road, seven miles south of Jullundur, were completely
washed away. Traffic between Hamira and Beas was held up for
ten days as road and rail communications were breached. The com¬
munications between Ferozepore and Qasubegu were interrupted.

286

Stern Reckoning

A road breach, one and a half rrjiles long, was caused between
Fazilka and Sulemanki. The Chakki Bridge on the Gurdaspur-
Kangra Road was washed away. The road between Jullundur
and Hoshiarpur was seriously breached five miles south of
Hoshiarpur and the railway line was destroyed. The Indian Army
Sappers were rushed to the various affected parts and restored
communications within a few days, but in the meantime a great
deal of damage both to life and property was caused. The heavy
rains on the 24th and 25th added to the immense sufferings of the
unfortunate refugees. Several hundred thousands of them had to
stay on the roadside during these days without any cover. The
road between Beas and Kartarpur was completely inundated and
a large number of refugees was washed away. The countryside
was strewn with dead bodies which floated down the river in spate.
Because of the suddenness and extent of the calamity, many
villages and towns were isolated and very little could be achieved
in the way <if rescue operations.

Two great tragedies were enacted during the last week of
September. One was an attack on a Muslim refugee train
at Amritsar on the evening of September 22. Men¬
tion has been made of the non-Muslim refugee train from
Find Dadan Khan which was attacked at three different places.*
When this train arrived at Amritsar, the news of the attack and the
heavy loss of non-Muslim life spread through Amritsar and caused
bitter resentment. On the evening of September 22, a Muslim
refugee train on its way to Lahore was held up and attacked. It
is feared that the loss of Muslim life was very heavy. Earlier the
same day there had been an attack on a Muslim road convoy,
though the number of people killed was less than fifty. The second
great tragedy was an attack on a Muslim foot convoy in Feroze-
pore a few days later. The official report of this incident reads
as follows:

“ A large column, strength not known but estimated approxi¬
mately at ten thousand, entered Ferozepore District from Kapur-
thala State, over the railway bridge near Makhu. The column in¬
cluded approximately three hundred persons who had previously
migrated from Ferozepore District to Kapurthala State.

“ A Muslim, named Mehdi, persuaded the column to proceed
to Lahore via Makhu and the Sutlej Bridge. He promised, in

return for some remuneration, to arrange military escort for

____ . •

• See page 228, ante.

Retaliation

287 *

the column from Makhu. The movement of the column was
kept secret.

“ Mehdi had apparently arranged with some agents of his to
leave the column and to ferry his own family across the Sutlej
soon after entering Ferozepore District; and this he did. The
column traversed through Ferozepore District without any escort
and, on the way, was set upon by recently settled Sikh refugees
from Pakistan. The number of casualties suffered by the column
is estimated at between hve hundred and one thousand, killed or
wounded. In addition, a number of girls were abducted.

“ No information regarding the entry of the column into
Ferozepore District was received from the State authorities or
from any other quarter. The first time that the local Array autho¬
rities came to know about the presence of the column was when
the head of the column appeared at the Sutlej Bridge near Feroze-
porc City. The police of Makhu and Maianwala Police Stations,
through whose jurisdiction the column passed, failed to report
the passage of the column through their areas to the authorities
of the headquarters of the district. If a report had been made, the
headquarter authorities would have been able to arrange a suitable
escort, and in aU probability the attack would not have taken
place or at least the number of casualties would have been much
smaller.

“ On receipt of information, the Deputy Commissioner and the
Superintendent of Police made immediate arrangements for the
collection and safe passage of the travellers and also for the recov¬
ery of abducted women. As a result of their efforts two hundred
and fifty refugee stragglers were collected and transported safely to
Kasur and over two hundred Muslim girls were recovered and sent
to Pakistan.

“ Severe action has been taken against the police for failure
to report the arrival of the column in Ferozepore District. The
Station House Officers of Makhu and ^Malawala Police Stations
have been withdrawn and placed under arrest."

The Muslim villages round the town of Rewari were
subjected to heavy attacks and Muslim houses were burnt and
looted. Loss of life was not heavy as the inhabitants were
evacuated to refugee camps. In one village, however, nearly one
thousand Muslims were reported to have been killed. Large
numbers of Meos left the district but later returned when conditions
became normal.

288

Stern Reckoning

A number of raiders assisted by the local Sangh people burnt
down evacuated Muslim huts in Rewari. The damage, however,
was not very great and the raiders were dispersed by the military
and six of them were arrested.

In Tehsil Sonepat there were casualties at two places, Ghanaur
and Akbarpur Barota. The loss of life was not considerable. The
Muslims at Sonepat were attacked by a large mob who were driver
off by the military.

In the end of September. Master Tara Singh and Udham
Singh Nagoke issued a statement calling upon the Sikhs to stop
the murder of Muslims. The appeal, however, was not happily
worded and came in for a great deal of criticism from the Pakistan
Authorities. While pointing out that the Sikhs and Hindus had
been "^guilty of most shameful attacks upon women and children
in the communal warfare” and asking them to “stop all retaliation”
the Sikh leaders said, “ We do not desire friendship of the Muslims
and we may never befriend them. We may have to fight again
but we shall fight a clean tight - -man killing man. This killing of
women and children and those who seek asylum must cease
at once. . . . There should be no attacks on refugee trains, convoys
and caravans. We ask you to do so chiefly in the interests of your
own communities, reputations, character and tradition than to save
the Muslims.” An exhortation of this type was scarcely calculated
to check the non-Muslim frenzy in East Punjab.

A Hindu Advocate who visited a number of places in the
Jullundur Division and the Patiala State, relating his observ¬
ations, said:

“ While the happenings in West Punjab have been indescribably
tragic and unimaginably barbarous, the tragic happenings in East
Punjab and Patiala State have lyt been less gruesome or less
barbarous. Almost all Muslim men, women and children, whether
urban or rural, have been either killed or turned out of their homes.
There has been large-scale looting and destruction of property left
by them, including standing crops. A large number of Muslim girls
has been forcibly married, mostly to Sikhs. In certain villages
Muslim population has been either wholly or mainly wiped out.
Nature and epidemics are doing what man has failed to do.

“From Ambala to Jullundur roadsides and other areas are
stinking with foul and poisonous smell. There is .filth and dirt
everywhere.

Retaliation

289

“What has happened in Patiala State is even worse. The
Muslim population of the State was about one-third which has
been virtually either wiped out or expelled. It is in very few
cases that the Muslims started trouble and in good many places
they adopted a submissive attitude. 1 can say, on the strength
of my personal testimony, that my own ancestral village, mostly
inhabited by Muslim Rajputs, received the worst treatment, though
there was no loss of life owing to the peaceful and voluntary with¬
drawal of more than two thousand Muslims. All the valuable
buildings of the Muslim Rajputs were wantonly destroyed and all
the building material, including girders, was removed. This des¬
truction and loot of all valuables, including a large quantity of
foodgrains, by the neighbouring villages continued for days. All
this was done mostly by the Sikh gangs aided by a few Hindus. 1
went to Rajpura to contact the police and military officers and
found two of them, of whom one was a Muslim, under the
influence of liquor.”

An observer who watched the progress of a column of Muslim
refugees from the Kapurthala State, said, “ I saw a long column
of Muslim men, women and children proceeding from Kapurthala
to Jullundur. The column was guarded by a few military sepoys.
It was ten or twelve deep, the women and children walking in the
centre, flanked on either side by men. Groups of armed Sikhs
stood about in the fields on either side of the road. Every now
and again one of these groups would make a sudden .sally at ihe
column of Muslims, drag out two or three women and run away
with them. In the process they would kill or injure the Muslims
who tried to resist them. The military sept)ys did not make a
serious attempt to beat off these attacks. By the time the column
arrived at Jullunder almost all the women and young girls had
been kidnapped in this manner,”

Reports of happenings in Patiala were grossly exaggerated by
the Pakistan officials, but there can be *no doubt that there was
heavy loss of Muslim life among the Patiaja Muslims.

Exposure and starvation took a heavy toll of the Muslims
proceeding to Pakistan by foot convoys. It was reported that
from a convoy of eighty thousand proceeding on its slow march
to Amritsar and Lahore fifteen hundred Muslims died of exposure
and starvation.

The disturbances in East Punjab resulted in the evacuation
of almost the entire Muslim population to Pakistan. The loss of

290

Stern Reckoning

Muslim life was not less than the loss of non-Muslim life in West
Punjab. Indeed, there arc many who boast that the total number
of Muslims killed was more than the number of Hindus and
Sikhs who perished in West Punjab, though the latter suffered
greater losses in property. It is impossible to estimate even
approximately the number of persons killed. What happened in
West Punjab was re-enacted in East Punjab on an equally large
scale and with equal ferocity. The same barbarities, inhuman
murders, savage outrages, atrocities against women and children
were witnessed. It must, however, be remembered that the
attacks on the Muslims were by way of retaliation and began only
after several months of a determined and sustained effort to drive
the non-Muslims out of West Punjab. It was the tales brought
by the sufferers from the West which set the East Punjab ablaze
and no major incident happened in the eastern districts till the
end of July. The mass killing and looting really began after the
partition of the country and continued for about six weeks till the
end of September. Those who took part in this holocaust were
merely repeating the terrible lesson they had learnt from their
Muslim preceptors in West Punjab. A great deal has been said
by the Pakistan Press about a Sikh plan to drive out the Muslims
and take possession of their lands and houses. A careful exami¬
nation of the evidence, however, shows that no such plan was
formulated up to the 15th of August 1947. The Hindu and Sikh
leaders continued to appeal to the minorities in West Punjab to
stay in their homes. The uncompromising Master Tara Singh
told the Associated Press of India on June 26, 1947, that “he was
of the considered opinion that non-Muslims of Western Punjab
should continue to stay on in their homes."* Lala Avtar Narain
of Jhelum, member. Constituent Assembly, Pakistan, issued a
Press statement to the same effect and asked the mino¬
rities to become good citizens of Pakistan.t At a Minority Con¬
vention held at Rawalpindi on July 7, 1947, Dewan Pindi Das
Sabharwal and Sardar Sant Singh exhorted the minorities not to
leave their homes. Mr. Bhimsen Sachar, Lala Avtar Narain, Dr.
Lchna Singh and Parbodh Chander, M.L.A., participated in this
Convention, Goswami Ganesh Dutt also sent a message to this
Convention. Mr. Mehr Chand Khanna, Finance Minister. North-
West Frontier Province, exhorted the Hindus and Sikhs who had

Trifmne, June ISM?

t Vir Bharat. July 8. 1947

Retaliation

291

migrated from the Frontier Province to return to their homes.*
As late as August 10, 1947, Sardar Swaran Singh, in the course of
an appeal to the people of Lahore, said, "in spite of the division
of the country, all of us—^Muslims. Hindus and Sikhs—have to
live together. Let us, therefore, live in peace so that the poor and
downtrodden may. in the new freedom that we have achieved, get
enough to eat and to cover their naked bodies, leading to a
happier and fuller life.”t With the influx of large numbers of
refugees from West Punjab the conviction was borne in upon the
non-Muslims that it was impossible for them to live in Pakistan.
They then launched large-scale attacks on Muslims by way of
retaliation. It was only then that they realized that to drive out
the Muslims would furnish an easy solution of their economic
problems. They fell that they could not trust the Muslims and
their presence in East Punjab was greatly resented. The exodus
of Muslims provided them with the opportunity of securing land
for the refugees from West Punjab and the drive became wide¬
spread and relentless till almost the entire Muslim population was
evacuated.

♦ yir Bhaiai. Jiilv H. 194'
f Civil- and Militan Gazftie, August 12. 1947

VIII

J do not endeavour either by triumphs of confutation,
or pleadings of antuiuHy, or assuruplion of authority, or
even by the oeil of ohsniniy, to imiesi these inveniwns of
mine mith any majesty.. . I hove not sought nor do I seek
either to force or ens?iare men's judgments, but I lead them
to things themselves and the concordances of things, that
they may see for ther}^seh^es irhoi they hai'e, ivhat they can
dispute, u'hai they can add and contribute to the common
stock.

FRANtis Ba<'ON -- Prei'nce to the Great Insiauration

CHAPTER EIGHT

CONCLUSION

I’HF; task of a writer of contemporary history is not an easy
one. He finds it difficult to achieve objectivity because he has him¬
self played a role, however unimportant, in the unfolding of events.
There is a tendency, nay a temptation, to seek an interpretation
consistent only with his own personal prepossessions. If he or any¬
one upon whom his affections arc centred has suffered in person or
in property, the loss assumes undue proportions and the desire to
castigate those responsible for it is correspondingly greater. Then
again, he has been too near a spectator and his field of vision too
large to enable him to view everything in its true perspective.
What happens in his neighbourhood or his own sphere of life,
an incident (not perhaps of any great moment) which he sees with
his own eyes, or hears narrated with the poignancy of freshness,
may obscure a more significant occurrence in another part of the
country. It is only with the passage of time that the mind can,
as it were, draw itself away from the panorama of history and
assume a position from which the various happenings of a critical
period, their causes and their ultimate influences can be seen, in
their true perspective. Finally, the wealth of material available is
a serious handicap, f<ir it makes the business of selection difficult.
In the writing of history “ selection is not merely expedient, it is
the essence ” of the historian’s work ; he must pick out what is
relevant from a vast quantity of evidence, before he can give an
intelligible explanation of the events presented to the reader. The
process of selection is rendered more difficult by a realization of the
fact that he does not know how his story will end. He must
nevertheless study all the available material and make up his mind
before be begins to write. A haphazard and colourless narrative
intended to provide a purely objective account of what happened
will not achieve the dignity of history, for it will fail to accomplish
the real business of the historian which is “ to establish casual re¬
lations between events.”

The writer of these pages has endeavoured to present a true
and coherent account of the partition of India and what it cost
the people of this great country in terms of life, property and
mental suffering. The questions he asked himself were many and

296

Stern Reckoning

puzzling; what were the real causes that led to the partition;
who was responsible for breaking up the integral unity of India:
was it necessary to concede the demand for Pakistan: was it not
possible to avoid so much bloodshed and wholesale‘destruction
of property; can such things happen again and how can we guard
against them? To some of these questions the reader will find
a satisfactory answer while others will provoke a controversy, for
everyone will answer them in his own way and so long, at least,
as the wounds inflicted by partition are fresh, opinion on many
issues will differ. There will be some who will accuse the Con¬
gress leaders of pursuing a wholly unnecessary policy of appease¬
ment towards Mr. Jinnah and the Muslim League; while others
will hold the view that the majority of Congressmen were indiffer¬
ent to the economic welfare and the political aspirations of the
Muslims and made no attempt to remove their genuine grievances.

That there are. and have always been, differences between
the beliefs, habits and outlook of the Muslims and the non-Muslims
canmff be denied; but it is equally true that these differences were
no more than an expression of individual personality such as may
be observed in mcml->ers of one family where the peculiar traits and
features of one branch may be marked enough to distinguish it
from another branch, but do not give rise to temperamental in¬
compatibility or open hostility. For over a thousand years Mus¬
lims and non-Muslims had lived as neighbours and friends, des¬
pite these differences, and it was not till the impact of British
imperialism forced them to raise mental and moral defences
around themselves that consciouvsness of their distinctive character
was forced upon them. This consciousness was accentuated and
exploited by the British rulers. Economic factors brought a sense
of frustration to the Muslims, for the Hindus, preferred and fav¬
oured by the British, rapidly achieved prosperity. The pendulum
of British attention than swung in the opposite direction, and
Muslims were urged to make demands for a subsidized existence,
in economic and political spheres. These demands were no
sooner made than conceded, on an ever-increasing scale, till the
population was divided into two hostile and warring camps. The
Congress refusal to form coalition ministries in 1937 was a serious
blunder and during the war years 1939-46 when the Congress
had voluntarily gone into the wilderness, the Muslim League
gained power and cohesion. The demand for the partition of
India was a logical corollary to the loyal and inspired address

Conclusion

297

presented to Lord Minto in 1906. Power no doubt corrupts, but
it is equally true that corruption seeks power and it was this
desire for power that led Mr. Jinnah to assume an uncompromis¬
ing attitude and say ‘no’ to every proposal which did not concede
the first place to him. Forty years of separate electorates and
British favouritism had brought about a state of affairs from W'hich
it was impossible to escape except by dismembering the country
and disrupting its integral unity.

The professed creed of the Muslim League, its avowedly
communal composition, its frankly sectarian objectives and its
espousal of unconstitutional methods led inevitably to a wide¬
spread conflict of arms. We have seen how the tempo and volume
of the venomous propaganda carried on by the League swelled
into an ever-increasing crescendo, till leaders like Sir Feroze Khan
Noon threatened to repeat the orgies perpetrated by Halaku Khan
and Changez Khan. Violence as a means of securing political
power began to be preached freely from the Musi ini League
platform and the Muslim Press made hysterical appeals for a mass
rising against the Hindus. A massive drive for the recruitment of
Muslim League National Guards was launched ; manufacture and
collection of arms began on a large scale and the National Guards
soon assumed the proportions of a private army, ready, at a
moment’s notice, to open an assault on non-Muslim life and
property. These National Guards proved, after partition, to be
the most ruthless enemies of the non-Muslims in Pakistan. They
defied the Civil Administration and carried on a relentless cam¬
paign of murder, loot and arson against unoffending non-Muslims
even when the police and civil officers were anxious to restore
normal conditions.

That League ideology and the line of conduct pursued by it
were mainly and directly responsible for the horrible drama,
narrated in these pages, is clearly demonstrated by the inexorable
logic of chronology. The speeches delivered at the Convention of
the Muslim League legislators in April 1946, were an open incite¬
ment to violence. On July 29, the Direct Action resolution frankly
abjured peaceful and constitutional methods and, on August 16,
the campaign of violence was opened at Calcutta under the com¬
mand and guidance of Mr. Suhrawardy. In October came the
tragedy of Noakhali and Tippera. Almost immediately afterwards
retaliation followed in Bihar. Then for some months there was
2f

298

Stern Reckoning

a lull while a major operation in the North-west was being
planned. With the riots of March 1947 began the genocide of
the non-Muslims. These disturbances were confined to the Muslim
majority areas only and the victims were almost invariably Hindus
and Sikhs. In May and June there was another flare-up in Lahore.
It was not till the end of July that reprisals began in the eastern
districts and the mass killing of Muslims took place between
August 15 and September 30, 1947, when the arrival of large
numbers of refugees from West Punjab and the tales lold by them
provoked the non-Muslims to retaliate. They were joined by the
newly arrived refugees and the grim story of West Punjab was
repeated in East Punjab and Delhi.

It is not possible to make an accurate estimate of the total loss
of life or the extent of damage to property caused by these riots.
Figures computed on the population basis must, of necessity, prove
extremely misleading. The census returns of 1941 were not
accurate even at the time they were compiled. They became
hopelessly wrong, at the end of six years, when a general increase
in population and local movements made it impossible to deter¬
mine, with any degree of accuracy, how many non-Muslims were
living in West Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province and
Sind. Nor is it possible to know the total number of Hindu and
Sikh refugees who later arrived in India. Rough estimates of the
total number of refugees, prepared for purposes of rehabilitation
and allotment to the various provinces, do not give a true picture;
and the total number of non-Muslims killed or con^ cried cannot
be calculated by subslracting the number of refugees in India
from the number of non-Muslims residing in the area which now
comprises Pakistan, for the simple reason that both numbers will
be grossly inaccurate. Figures based on /he statements of refugee
eye-witnesses are a surer guide though even ihCvSe can, at best, be
only approximate. The Factf Finding Organization examined
nearly fifteen thousand witnesses and they bear testimony to the
murder of fifty thousand non-Muslims. The incidents deposed to
by these witnesses, however, represent only a fraction of the total
devastation caused. Thousands of villages where riots are known
to have taken place do not figure in the material collected by the
Organization."' and no account has been taken of incidents not

* Out of a total ol >9.914 villaRes in West Punjab only 2,094 are covered by the evidence
collected by tlte Fact Finding Organization. The figures for the Norih-Wfst Frontier Province
arc 2,826 and 362 respectively, and for Bhawaipur 2.376 and 216 respectively.

Conclusion

299

deposed to by eye-witnesses. Taking these factors into consider¬
ation the loss of non-Muslim life has been estimated at a figure
between 200,000 and 250,000. It is believed that an equal number of
Muslims perished in the course of the riots in India. The loss of
non-Muslim property is estimated at about twenty thousand million
rupees. .

This was a heavy price and the memory of this painful and
-costly transaction will linger for years and continue to embitter
and enrage the refugees. Perhaps there arc some who will take
warning from this sad chapter in our history and endeavour to
guard against a repetition of these events. So long as sectarianism
and narrow provincialism arc allowed to poison the minds of
the people, so long as there are ambitious men with corruption
inside them, seeking power and pt)sition, so long will the people
continue to be deluded and misled, as the Muslim masses were
deluded and misled by the League leaders and so long will dis¬
cord and disruption continue to threaten our peace and integrity.

\ D D 1:7 XI I'M V

APPENDIX I

NOTES TO CHAPTERS

Notes to Chapter One

(i)

The “ Seven Commandments of Destiny ” enunciated by Choudhary
Rehmat AU in “ The Millat and the Mission ” (1942) are as follows:—

(1) Avoid Minorityism, which means that we must not leave our minorities
in Hindu lands, even if the British and the Hindus offer them the so-called
constitutional safeguards. For no safeguards can be a substitute for nation¬
hood which is their birthright. Nor must we keep Hindu or Sikh minorities
in our own lands, even if they themselves were willing to remain with or without
any special safeguards. For they will never be of us. Indeed, while in ordinary
times they will retard our national reconstruction, in times of crisis they will
betray us and bring about our re-destruction.

(2) Avow Nationalism. We must assert and demand the recognition
of the distinct natioilhl status of our minorities in the Hindu majority regions
of Dinia and its dependencies, and reciprocally offer to give similar status to
the Hindu and Sikh minorities in Pakistan, Bangistan and Osmanistan.

(3) Acquire proportional territory to create Siddiqistan, Faruqistan,
Haideristan, Muinistan, Moplistan, Sufistan and Nasaristan. Now in the
orbit of Pakasia we form about one-fourth of the total population, and, according
to the laws of nature and nations, arc entitled to about one-fourth of its area.
We must, therefore, press our claims to the proportional areas in all such regions
of the Continent and do so without delay.

(4) Consolidate the individual nations. It is dangerous to leave dispersed
our minorities in the Hindu-majority regions of Dinia and in Ceylon, we must
unify and consolidate them as nations in the countries that will compri.se the
proportional areas acquired under the previous commandment.

(5) Co-ordinate the nations under the Pak Commonwealth of Nations.
To us the Paki.stanians, union is not only a source of strength but also a sacred
duty.

(6) Convert the sub-continent of India Into the continent of Dinia. Wc
must write finis to the most deceptive fiction in the world that India is the sphere
of Indianism.

(7) Organize the continent of Dinia and its dependencies into the orbit
of Pakasia. This is the last commandment and is meant to consolidate the
results of the previous commandments. Pakasia connotes that part of Asia
wherein our Pak culture is actually or potentially, predominant, and geographi¬
cally it includes the Continent of Dinia.

(ii)

The text of Mr. Archbold’s letter to Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk:

“ Colonel Dunlop Smith (Private Secretary to the Viceroy) now writes
to me that the Viceroy is prepared to receive the deputation of Mussulmans
and intimates me that a formal petition be submitted for it. In this connection,
the following matters require consideration.

“ The first question is that of sending the petition. To my mind it would
be enough that some leaders of Mussulmans, even though they may not have
been elected, should put their signatures to it. The second is the question as

304 Stern Reckoning

to who the members of the deputation should be. They should be representa¬
tives of all the provinces. The third question is of the contehts of the address.
In this connection my opinion is that in the address loyalty should be expressed,
that thanks should be offered that, in accordance with the settled policy, steps
are going to be taken in the direction of self-government according to Which
the door will be opened for Indians to offices. But apprehension should be
expressed that by introducing election injury will be done to Mussalman
minority and hope should be expressed that in introducing the system of nomina¬
tion or granting representation on religious basis the opinion of Mussulmans
will be given due weight. The opinion should also be given that in a country
like India it is necessary that weight should be attached to the views of
zemindars.

“ My personal opinion is that the wisest thing for Mussalmans to do would
be that they support the system of nomination because the time for introducing
election has not yet come. Besides, it will be very difficult for them if the
system of election is introduced to secure their proper share.

“ But in all the.se matters I want to remain behind the screen and this
move should come from you. You are aware how anxious I am for the good
of the Mussalmans and I would, therefore, render all help with the greatest
pleasure. 1 can prepare and draft the address for you. If it be prepared in
Bombay then I can revise it because I know the art of drawing up petitions in
good language. But Nawabsaheb, please remember that if, within a short
time, any great and effective action has to be taken then you should act quickly.”

(hi)

Lady Minto recorded in her diary:

“This has been a very eventful day; as .someone said to me, ‘ an epoch
in Indian history.' We are aware of the feeling of unrest that cxi.sts throughout
India, and the dissatisfaction that prevails amongst people of all classes and
creeds. The Mohamedan population which numbers 62 millions, who have
always been intensely loyal, resent not having proper representation and consider
themselves slighted in many ways, preference having been given to the Hindus.
The agitators have been most an.xious to foster this feeling and have naturally
done their utmost to secure the co-operation of this vast community. The
younger generation were wavering, inclined to throw in their lot with advanced
agitators of the Congress, and a howl went up that the loyal Mohamedans
were not to be supported, and that the agitators were to obtain their demands
through agitation. The Mohamedans decided, before taking action, that
they would bring an address before the Viceroy, mentioning their grievances.
The meeting was fixed for today and about 70 delegates from all parts of India
have arrived. The ceremony took place this morning in the Ball-room. The
girls and 1 went in by a side door to hear the proceedings while Minto advanced
up the room with his staff and took his seat on the dais. The Aga Khan is
the spiritual head of the Khoja Moslenucommunity. He claims to be descended
from AH and is their Ruler by divine right, but without territory. The Prince
was selected to read the very long but excellent Address stating all their griev¬
ances and aspirations. Minto then read his answer which he had thought out
most carefully—* You need not ask my pardon for telling me that representa¬
tive institutions of the European type are entirely new to the people of India
or that their introduction here requires the most earnest thought and care I
should be very far from welcoming all the political machinery of the western
world among the hereditary traditions and instincts of Eastern races ....
Your addre.ss, as I understand it, is a claim that, in any system of representation,
whether it affects a Municipality, a District Board, or Legislative Council, in
which it is proposed to introduce or increase an electoral organization, the
'Mohamedan community should be represented as a community You point
out that in many cases electoral bodies, as now constituted, cannot be expected
to return a Mohamedan candidate, and that if by chance they did so, it could

Appendix /

305

only be at the sacrifice of such candidate’s views to those of a minority opposed
to his own community, whom he would in no way represent, and you justly
claim that your position should be estimated not merely on your numerical
stre^th but in respect to the political importance of your community and the
service it has rendered to the Empire. 1 am entirely in accord with you, ... I
am as firmly convinced as I believe you to be. that any electoral representation
in India would be doomed to mischievous failure which aimed at granting a
personal enfranchisement, regardless of the beliefs and traditions of the communi¬
ties composing the population of this continent.”

(iv)

Louis'Fischer,wrote in the Hindustan Standard:

“ Winston Churchill remains the implacable enemy of India's independence.
He has never disguised his views. Many members of his party differ with him
on the question of Indian Freedom, but Churchill’s imperialistic policy
dominates.

” Mohamed Ali Jinnah has not in recent years given any proof of a
devotion to the cause of India's liberation from foreign rule. Nor has the
Muslim League over which he presides. Landlords, who bulk large in the
counsels of the League, stand to lose by the establishment of a new India,
which would certainly alter the present land tenure to the disadvantage of
landlords, Muslims as well as Hindus, and to the advantage of all peasants.

” What could be more natural, therefore, than that Churchill and Jinnah
should have been in correspondence, in recent months, over the fate of India ?
They have quietly exchanged letters and messages. It was shortly after the
receipt of one such secret communication from Churchill that the Muslim
League reconsidered its acceptance of the British Cabinet Mission’s long-term
proposals and decided instead to boycott the coming Assembly which is to
draw up a constitution for a new free India.

“ The Cabinet Mission laboured hard and on the whole successfully to
prepare the way for the transfer of political power from British to Indian hands.
Churchill and Jinnah arc now attempting to undermine the effort.”

Notes to Chapter Two
(i>

Mr. Jinnah's love of pageantry grew as he came to be accepted as the
sole leader of Muslims in India. At the .lOth session of the All-India Muslim
League held in April 1943 at Delhi, the President, Mr, Jinnah, was taken out
in a huge procession led by a number of decorated elephants who were followed
by camels and a squad of Muslim National Guards, on bicycles, displaying
Muslim League flags. Muslim National Guards on foot, playing bunds and
in military formation, followed next. The prdeessionists were raising slogans
oi ** Allah-o~AkbarT Qaid-i-Azam Zindabad," "Pakistan Zindabad" and
“ Rulers of Islamic countries Zindabad."

At the next session held, in December, at Karachi, Mr. Jinnah was taken
out with even greater pomp and show. The procession was led by a rider on
horseback carrying a huge League flag. National Guards in uniform marched
behind him like an army battallion. They numbered nearly two thousand
and were drawn from all the provinces of India. Then followed representatives
of the Muslim students and various other Amumans. There were more than
fifty Sindhi horsemen. Then came a formation of camels with men in Sindhi
dress riding them. Then a number of camels with riders in Arab dress.
Physical culturists, students and boy scouts followed. Then came SO camel^

306

Stern Reckoning

and SO caparisoned horses, all mounted by Hajis in Arab costumes. Shouts
of “ AUah-o-Akbar," “ Pakistan Zindabad," “ Shahimhah~i~P<^istan Zindabad”
“ Faateh-i-Congress Zindahad ” and “ Qaid-i-Azam Zindabad ” were raised on
all sides as Mr. Jinnah's decorated carriage came into view.

(ii)

Mr. Fazalul Haq, speaking on a no-confidence motion against the Ministry,
moved by Mr. Dhirendra Nath Datta in the Bengal Legislative Assembly on
&pteniher 19, 1946, said:—

“ Sir, during the dark days or nights of the Great Killing, I watched events
from the point of view of a member of the Opposition. The news that came
to me trickling down from various sources was unfavourable to the Ministers
in power. 1 was very deeply impressed with the fact that during the whole of
these disturbances the machinery of Government had completely broken
down in this city. Sir, 1 pondered deeply over the situation, and if 1 have
risen to say a few words on these motions I wish to tell my comrades in this
Assembly what I feel very strongly and which 1 think ought to be raised before
the people of Bengal, if Bengal is to be saved at all from utter extermination.
There have been Hindu-Muslim quarrels in the past all over India. In many
of these quarrels, when cases had been started, I had the privilege of defending
the Muslim accused almost all over the country. But, Sir, 1 have never in
the whole course of my life seen anything like the purely fiendish fury with
which both Hindus and Muslims have murdered not merely men or women
but even small children. 1 do not know to satisfy what impulse—human or
devilish—which seems to have possessed the Bengalees for those fateful days
and nights that my countrymen indulged.

“ Sir, so fai as the Ministers are concerned, I am going to olx*y the Party
mandate and I will cast my voles against the motions before the House. But
that is only becau.se 1 feel constitutionally that wc cannot, when a motion like
this is tabled, leave the Ministers of our choice to the tender mercies of the
Opposition. But if that is so as regards the Ministers, the guardians of law and
order who control the police force in Calcutta can claim no protection from us.

“ Sir. I will not lake much time of the House, but 1 will refer to a few
instances which have been an eye-opener to me. I have fell that the greatest
disturbances did not rise in a moment out of the moon but seem to be the
result of a well-planned action -may be on one side or n.ay Ive on both sides.
I do not know—God alone know's. The future alone will disclose what is the
truth. •

“ Sir, on Friday morning 1 received tefephone me.ssages from various
parts of the city from both Hindus and Muslims that troubles had broken out.
I thought it was one of those unfortunate affairs which have shown to the world
that although the Bengalees or Indians generally are amongst the most intellec¬
tual races of the world, they do not know the virtue of toleration. But, then
the situation worsened gradually. I adVised those who were telephoning to
me, to seek police protection. It was then 1 came to know that the police were
being appealed to and in some cases the police said that they had received no
orders. Wonder of wonders ! What are the police here for, what are they
being paid for, if they do not know that whenever there is a disturbance of
the public peace and tranquillity, their first duty is to jump into the situation,
if necessary, and to defend public peace and tranquillity with their lives ?

“ Then, Sir, in the afternoon of that day the Mallick Ba/ar was looted.
It is within about half a mile of my house. 1 was then standing on the verandah
and 1 found people in great glee and merriment rushing all sides with booty
in their hands and police paharawalas accompanying them. Everyone was
very happy as if they were members of a marriage procession !

“Then, Sir, that night the Park Circus market was looted, f sent one
of my nephews and Mr. Khairul Anam, Editor of the Mohammadi, to the

Appendix I

307

Park Circus outpost. Will the House be surprised to hear that the Oflicer-iti-
charge was there and he said that he had no time |o go and sec what was
happening. Certainly some change had come over the Calcutta Police !

“Then, Sir, the next day, 1 believe it was the 17th, the Mahisadal Raj
House was looted. That building is about 40 yards from my house and in
front of that building on the other side of the road there was a Traffic Police
Outpost where there are at Ic^st 100 police officers. The House will be surprised
to hear—and I am an eye-witness—that the whole of that house was ransacked.
It took two hours to clear that house of all its belongings and the police were
looking on. 1 sent one of my clerks to interfere and stop because the Raja was
not in the house; he had left previously. The reply my clerk got was ‘ those
people are taking to whom the properly belongs’ and, Sir, people came out
with all their booty and 1 received a report that a member of a certain Provincial
Service went home with a silver lea tray as a part of the loot.

“ I am not here concerned with the details of this nauseating event. I
do not wish to discuss how those disturbances began, who was responsible,
but 1 certainly want the House to consider why is it that the trouble was allowed
to grow to gigantic proportions, and, within 24 hours, the entire situation was
out of control. Now, Sir, I have not been an eye-witness of everything that
occurred but one who has suffered most. 1 am not a young man with a stout
heart but, Sir, I am supposed to have something like that sort of grit which
can face unpleasant situation, but this time my nerves completely broke down.
We could not sleep, batch after batch of ruffians knocked at our doors and
every moment seemed to be our last. It seemed. Sir, that not only had British
rule ended but that some modern Nadir Shah had come upon Calcutta and had
given up the city to rapine, plunder and pillage. Str, each time 1 tried to get
into touch with police officers I was told that 1 was to contact the Control
Room. I do not know. Sir, who was controlling the Control Room, hut
whenever I wanted some kind of help the reply came that my complaint has
been noted and will be attended to iri proper time. Then, Sir, I sometimes
tried to get into touch with high officials of Government House. 1 was told
that none but Government servants were allowed to use the telephone to get
into touch with the household of His Excellency the Governor. Police officers
would not listen, the Control Office would not control, the Government House
would not listen. Sir, in the^e circumstances the Great Killing went on and it
is undisputed that this thing would never have happened if the police and the
military had taken strong measures on Friday, the 16th, when the trouble
began. It wojld have been nipped in the bud that very day, and, therefore, the
conclusion is inevitable that although the police may not be responsible for the
origin of disturbances, they are directly responsible for the great loss of human
life, and if an impartial enquiry is held and these police officers can be spotted,
my opinion is that they deserve to be hanged, drawn and quartered publicly,
on charges of murder and abetment of murder. . . .

“ Quite within a stone’s throw of Lalbazar, the Scotland Yard of Calcutta,
Limton Watch Company, at the junction of Bowbazar and Dalhousie Square,
was looted. The whole ceremony of looting took about 2 or 2J hours. Police
officers came but only to take part in the loot. One of my friends who some¬
how managed to sec what was going on told me that half an hour after the
loot people were seen rushing out with wrist watches and other articles of value
and most of them were policemen.”

Mr. Dhirendra Narayan Mukherji who had accompanied Mr. Suhrawardy
on a tour of the affected areas, describing his experiences, said:

“ We turned towards the Bowbazar .gtreet but could not proceed far, as
the other crowd blocked the way. 1 got down and tried to persuade them to
disperse. There was an Assistant Commissioner of Police with a lorry-load
of policemen, some of them armed with rifles, but they merely looked on. As
the crowd was in no mood to listen to him the Chief Minister decided to leave,

308

Stern Reckoning

and while the car was turning back, brickbats were thrown at it. Hie picture
given by the Chief Minister in the Upper House about the violent mood of the
crowd, has been too miTch overcoloured and had he stayed on, I am sure his
courage and sincerity would have been eventually appreciated even by a Hindu
mob. I stayed on, tried to pacify the crowd, and was successful.

“ While there, I learnt that some bustee at the corner of Bowbazar Street
and Amherst Street had been set on Are. I rushed there, and arranged to bring
out the Fire Brigade by using a phone from Bandhab Bastralaya. The police
were patrolling the streets but not helping to disperse the crowd or stop the
fire. At the corner 1 was persuading a large crowd to disperse; while doing so
a police lorry came, and a European officer pointed a gun at me and fired a
.shot. Immediately the whole crowd melted away. It was tear gas, and 1
asked the officer why he fired without warning. He said he wanted to disperse
the crowd and I pointed out to him that as the crowd was already on the point
of dispersing at my persuasion, the tear gas would only irritate them and might
have resulted in a shower of brickbats, and retaliatory shots fired by sergeants.
1 complained that patrol police merely looked on, making no attempt to stop
the fire. The officer, Mr. Barnes, a Deputy Commissioner of Police, then
left. The altercation with him gave me an advantage—the police must have
thought me a person of importance. 1 managed to restore peace in the locality
and at 1 o’clock I was told there that rioting had broken out at Scaldah corner.
1 hastened to the spot and found fighting going on between Hindus and Muslims
inside Baithakhana Bazar. 1 was successful in putting a stop to it. Just as
I came out on the Bowbazar Street. 1 found a wine shop in the Circular Road-
Bowbazar comer ablaze, and both Muslims and policemen in unifomi busy
taking away the bottles. Some of the bottles 1 found stored in the police
lorry. I caught hold of a policeman carrying away two bottles from the shop,
and dragged him before the Police Sergeant, but no action was taken and the
man ran away.

“ 1 saw that a very big Muslim procession had come to the Sealdah corner
from the Upper Circular Road side. They were carrying swords, lathii, etc.,
and wanted aggressively to pass through Bowbazar Street. 1 moved towards
them and suggested, they might go to the maidan, by continuing through the
Circular Road and Dharamtalla Street instead of forcing their way through
Bowbazar. All of a sudden, some of them began to break open the shops on
Circular Road and loot them. Some rushed and surrounded me and began
to beat me. One young Muslim, apparently a student, gave me a blow, declaring
he would break my teeth. Another brandished his long knife shouting that
he was thirsty for my blood. Further mischief was prevented by some who
must have appreciated my motives. Just then, one of the Sergeants who had
been with Mr. Barnes rushed with two armed policemen into the crowd and
brought me back to comparative safety. Anyway, the processionists changed
their mind and passed on through C’ircular Road, as J had suggested, instead
of trying to force their way through Bowbazar. Meanwhile, another armed
and a more violent crowd came up fiom Bcliaghata .side and wanted to force
their way through Bowbazar. Polic'cmen, both ordinary and armed, about 50
in number, were there in two lorries under the direction of Sergeants.
I suggested to the Sergeants that the two lorries might be placed blocking the
entrance to Bowbazar Street, and the police should fire to prevent the clash
between the two crowds. The Sergeants paid no heed. The Beliaghata
crowd looted the aerated waters shop at the comer and began to hurl the
bottles and rushed in to Bowbazar Street, and proceeded two to three hundred
yards. 1 could not prevent them forcing in, nor could I persuade them to
get back. Instead, I got lathi blows on mv arms. This crowd was prevented
from passing through Bowbazar Street by a shower of brickbats.

“ 1 learnt that processionists passing through Circular Road were rushing
in.side the lanes leading to west, and assaulting the local residents. 1 went
round and saw at Dixon Lane one gentleman lying dead in the street with

Appendix I

309

his throat ^shed, blood still spouting up. He was a Hindu, who was coming
through Circular Road, and had been chased by the goondas. This was about
a hundreg^ yards from Circular Road."

(hi)

Alec Reid, who paid a visit to Noakhali in February 1949, wrote as
follows:

“ I have given, in a previous article, some idea of the great work being
carried on in Noal^ali by those who have devoted the past two years of their
lives to the Gandhi Camps~men and women who have fearlessly succoured
those who suffered as a result of the communal passions let loose in the district
towards the end of 1946.

“ But there is another side to the picture and to appreciate it properly,
let me first introduce you to Sah Sayed Gulam Sarwar Hussaini, Pir of Daira-
Shariff, Dhampur, Noakhali. That is what he calls himself, but for the sake
of brevity let me simply refer to him as Gulam Sarwar by which name he has
been most widely known in Bengal these past two years.

“ It was just after the great Calcutta Massacre that he first came into real
prominence. Noakhali was aflame with communal hate and stories trickled
through to Calcutta connecting this man with the affair. Then the military
moved in and Mr. Sarwar disappeared from the public eye; he was reported
to have been locked up Came partition and, according to officials in Dacca,
he was pardoned owing to ' insufficient evidence ’ and also the fact that ' no
prosecution witnesses had come forward.’ How could they?—many must
have been dead, others must have fled westwards or perhaps those that remained
found it healthier not to proa'ed with their charges.

“ At any rate, Mr. Sarwar is now as large as life in Noakhali District- -
and he is a man with a mission. He does not like those people who run the
Gandhi Camps and he thinks they should be closed. He told me that himself
when I met him in his home village one Sunday afternoon three weeks ago.
It all came about like this.

“ I had heard in Dacca that it had been reported that Sarwar was making
inflammatory speeches. According to a leading official, he had sent to Noakhali
for a report (afterwards I asked the authorities there whether they had received
that report; they said they had not). So I determined to .see Sarwar and ask
him what he felt about things in general.

“ Our meeting was arranged after some trouble in the school of his village.
1 was told that the local thana had been suggested as a rendezvous, but appa-
rcntly Mr. Sarwar had raised some objection. At any rate, I arrived at the
appointed hour—11-30 a.m.—and was received by one of the schoolmasters.
That something unusual was afoot had spread through the village, for a large
crowd had gathered and the windows of the room where our meeting was to
take place were lined with interested spectators who had taken up their positions
early to avoid the rush.

“ We settled down to a cup of tea and the master informed me that a
message had been sent to Sarwar's house to inform him that 1 had arrived.
Shortly after lu^on it was announced that he was having a bath and he would
be along in a few minutes. We waited. 1 grew impatient, for I had far to
go that afternoon. Another emissary was sent and ^ck came the reply that
he was more or less on his way. The audience had increased. Our room
was now invaded with interested spectators. It was not every day that the
big man received a Press representative.

" At the stroke of one there was a hush—within and without. He was
approaching. Then through the windows came a chorus oH salaams. The door
shot open and, in the flowing robes of a spiritual leader, stood Sarwar. With an
arrogant stare he surveyed the room; his thick sensuous lips pouted as hia

310 Stem Reckoning

*■

followers rose with one accord to greet him. He looked me up and down
and with a flourish sat at the head of the table.

“Then there followed much formality. He demanded paper.^nd ink,
declaring that everything must be duly noted down. The schoolmaster was
appointed scribe, interpreter, master of ceremonies. Our interview lasted
three hours, for not only did 1 interview Sarwar but he insisted-on interviewing
me. While tlic hunt for paper and ink went on, he sat back in his chair and
surveyed me while 1 surveyed him. 1 felt it would be appropriate if at a given
signal somebody shouted, ‘ Seconds out of the ring.’

“ An aged lieutenant sat on his left hand and on his right a gentleman in
the garb of a Hindu. Where did he fit into the picture, I pondered. I got
the answer two and a half hours later; he was the Trump Card. The lieutenant
seemed to be enjoying the situation. He sucked noisily through his teeth—I
suspected they were false—and leered wickedly at some of his companions as
much as to say, ‘ We’re in for a good afternoon's entertainment.’

“ All was ready at last. There was silence as I put my first question:
what was the feeling locally about refugees coming back to the district? The
reply was prompt. * The feeling is very hopeful and brotherly and akin to
peace. The Muslims will receive the Hindu ladies as their mothers and their
sisters and their menfolk as their brothers.’

“ On went my questions and back came the replies with Sarwar careful
not to commit himself in any way. The scribe—at limes almost overcome
with his efforts —took copious notes while his pen screeched in protest. Tea
and fruit were ordered, for it was thirsty work, and as the afternoon wore on
we consumed many cups.

“ The interest, so far as the audience were concerned, never flagged; there
was for them never a dull moment. But ther§ was an awkward one all the
same. Sarwar had proudly informed me that he had over 20.000 followers
and when I remarked on the frightful condition of the roads and suggested
that he might use his influence and manpower to good account by having them
repaired, for (with an eye to the audience) 1 pointed out that the villagers and
farm workers would in the end suffer untold hardships if their already slender
lines of communication broke down altogether. Mr. Sarwar was annoyed.
Some of his younger followers glanced at each other. His chief lieutenant
sucked noisily through his teeth. The Trump Card winced. The scribe
scratched furiously at his minutes. The fcuhrer’s face clouded. He gave me
a nasty look, then snapped back that he was much too busy with other things
to organize such a scheme.

“ After an hour 1 had finished my questioning. It was now his turn.
We talked of many things. I was a.skcd my views on the future of the two
Dominions, the international situation; on Linlithgow, Wavell and Mountbatten,
on others who had played a part in the Indian scene. Sarwar seemed quite a
glutton for knowledge. At any ratd* the audience were interested and the
schoolmaster wrote much more than he had for many a long day. There was
a pause. 1 sensed that something out of the ordinary wa^ coming; the gathering
had leaned forward with fresh interest. Sarwar had sat back. He glanced
round the room, pushed his arms outwards to their full length and stretched
his fingers as if he were about to strangle some imaginary foe. This was obvi¬
ously the pi^e de resistance. Then he broke the silence with the words—

‘ And now let me tell you about the Gandhi Camps.’

“ There followed a recitation of ‘ facts.’ Sarwar makes continual use of
them in the meetings he addresses up and down the countryside. The leaders
of the Camps did not follow the ideals laid down by their founder. The Camps
were filled with fifth columnists, members of the R.S.S. and Communists and
their main object was to create disturbances to interfere in thp brotherly rela¬
tions of Hindus and Muslims. They must be closed. The Gandhi C^mp

Appendix /

311

workers wanted to control the Muslims of East Pakistan in every possible way
by adopting a ‘ Na 2 i and Fascist policy.'

“ When he had finished Sarwar turned to the gentleman on his right*.
It was then that I learned that he was the Trump Card. He was a Hindu, a
man well known locally, and he would corroborate all that had been said.
And this unfortunate individual did so with great zest. I learned afterwards
that he acted as Sarwar’s chairman at his various meetings throughout the
countryside: it was alleged that he had had a hand in ‘planting’ evidence
used in some of the prosecutions that had been started against several Gandhi
Camp workers. It was the old, old technique. The Nazis developed it to a
fine art. Repeat the same lies and abuse against your opponents over and
over again and produce someone belonging to your adversaries’ community
and make him say that you are speaking the truth. There was once a man
called Quisling who lived in Norway.

“ 1 stopped at a village the next day. Two local Muslims said they wanted
to have a word with me. This is what they had to say: ‘ We have had a
lot of trouble in this district. We have had enough of it: we want to live in
peace with the Hindus. We have no quarrel with them: we never really had.
But there arc several in this district who go about making speeches which do
no good. Gulam Sarwar says he intends coming here. Wc have sent a special
request to the District Magistrate at Noakhali to stop him. Wc don’t want
him.’

“ My next interview was in Noakhali with the District Magistrate. I
told him of my visit to the Gandhi Camps and of the excellent work that was
being done there. A mild-mannered man, he listened with courteous atten¬
tion. I told him of Sarwar’s alle^tions and when 1 asked him his views, he
very guardedly and with much hesitation, admitted that the Camps were there
for the common good.

“ We were joined by the Superintendent of Police, but what he had to
* say was without the slightest hesitation whatsoever. 1 wanted to know what
he thought about the Gandhi Camps. Well, 1 would have it. With hands
that shook with emotion as he lit a cigarette, he went even further than Gulam
Sarwar. According to him, in the first place the coming of Gandhiji to Noakhali
was just a ‘ hoax ’ designed to draw attention to the communal disturbances
there, which had been in seriousness ‘exaggerated beyond all proportion.’
Gandhiji had been hesitant to leave even when the Bihar riots started as he
wanted to ‘ divert attention ' to East Bengal.

“ Then the police official got into his full stride on the question of the
Camps themselves. They were filled with Communists, members of the R.S.S.,
various types of fifth columnists who were ‘ agents of the Government of
Hindustan.’ Why were they supplied with so much money: he demanded.
Their chief job was to cause disaffection in the surrounding countryside. T
looked at the District Magistrate as this tirade continued. He appeared to
have forgotten his earlier conversation with me and now seemed in complete
agreement with the representative of the police. The latter thundered on.

“ As for the Gandhi Camp workers, he dealt with several of them
individually and ‘ scoundrel ’ was the least of the various epithets he applied
to them while enumerating their various ‘ crimes.' But, according to him,
they were an uncommonly wily crew. Attempts bad been made to intercept
their mail to India, but they sent it by .special couriers and they ‘ disguised
themselves as Muslims’ while carrying communications between the various
Camps, which were nothing less than ‘ nests of intrigue.’ They said they were
loyal to the East Bengal Government—why then did they not fly the Pakistan
flag ? He would see they did on next Independence Day. But in the meantime
the Camps must be closed. The authorities could not tolerate the present
state of affairs any longer. As to when exactly they would be closed, he spoke
of possible immediate ‘ repercussions ’ in view of the various inter-Dominion

3J2

Stem Reckoning

talks, but whatever happened they were determined that they would be closed
sooner or later. And so he went on for over an hour.

“ What are the various * crimes ’ that several of the Gandhi Camp workers
are charged with ? Chief among the accused is Col. Jiwan Singh, formerly
of the I.N.A. He was arrested some months ago on a fantastic charge of
abducting a Hindu woman for immoral purposes. He was interned in Noakhali
while 1 was there and had to report twice a day to the thana. When Gandhiji
was in Bengal Col. Jiwan Singh became one of his most devout followers.
Gandhiji personally put him in charge of several of the Camps. He faced
with bravery the dan^rs of carrying on the work. He is a man of the hipest
integrity. To say that the charge against him is ‘ fantastic ’ is putting it mildly.
After several farcical hearings it was found that there was not sufficient evidence
against him and so the authorities were willing to stop the proceedings (but
at the same time not clear his name) if the Colonel left East Bengal. He refused.

“ Two other Camp workers have been implicated in a charge of murder.
One, a trusted follower of Gandhiji, was marched many miles by road hand¬
cuffed. Other charges are pending against several more men of the same
calibre.

“ Thus the campaign of repression goes on. The authorities seem deter¬
mined to * frame' as many of the Camp workers as they can. Beyond doubt
their aim is gradually to freeze the Camps out of existence by such diabolical
methods. What price justice in Noakhali District?

“ What is the purpose of this campaign against the Gandhi Camps?
Dacca has been kept fully informed of their work and the authorities there
know of the repressive measures being used against them. Why is it that
they do not silence Gulam Sarwar? There was once a Superintendent of
Police in Noakhali who was sympathetic towards the Camps—why was he
transferred? These questions require an answer.

“ Is it that the authorities in East Bengal do not want a meeting ground
for both communities? Is it that they do not wish a Hindu minority once
more to uri.se and take its place in the working of the State? Is this the prelude
to the f^ounding of a true Islamic Stale?

“ Already certain members of the East Bengal Government have visited
the Camps and expressed themselves satisfied as to their hona /ides. But
they have done nothing on their return to Dacca. Perhaps the time is now
ripe, in the interests of inter-Dominion peace, for a commission of inquiry to
be sent from Karachi. If properly conducted it will find that the Camps are
aot ‘ nests of intrigue ’ but starting points for communal peace.”

—“ The Mission of Gulam Sarwar: What
price justice in East Bengal? ”

The Hindustan Times, March 22, 1949.
(By courtesy of The Hindustan Times.)

Notes to Chapter Three

(i)

The Sikandar-Jinnah Pact drawn up at Lucknow, October 15, 19.17:

(1) That on his return to the Punjab Sir Sikandar Hayat will convene a
special meeting of his Party and advise all Muslim members of his party who
are not members of the Muslim League already to sign its creed and join it.
As such they will be subject to the rules and regulations of the Central and
provincial Boards of the All-India Muslim League. This will not affect the
continuance of the present coalition and of the Unionisf'Party;

(2) That in future elections and by-elections for the Legislature after the
adoption of this arrangement, the Groups constituting the present Unionist
Party will jointly support the candidates put up by their respective Groups;

Appendix /

313

♦

(3) f bat the Muslim members of the Legislature who are electeiS on or
accept the League ticket will constitute the Muslim League Party within the
Legislature. It shall be open to the Muslim League Party so formed to main¬
tain or enter into coalition or alliance with any other party consistently with
the fundamental principles, policy and programme of the League. Such
alliances may be evolved upon after the elections. The existing combinations
shall maintain its present name “ The Unionist Party.”

(ii)

Printed and cyclostyled copies of the following circular were secretly
distributed among the Muslims of India:

(1) All Muslims of India should die for Pakistan.

(2) With Pakistan established whole of India should be conquered.

(3) All people of India should be converted to Islam.

(4) All Muslim kingdoms should join hands with the Anglo-American

exploitation of the whole world.

(5) One Muslim should get the right of five Hindus, i.e., each Muslim is

equal to five Hindus.

(6) Until Pakistan and Indian Empire is established, the following steps

should be taken:—

(а) All factories and shops owned by Hindus should be burnt, des¬
troyed, looted and loot should be given to League Office.

(б) All Muslim Leaguers should carry weapons in defiance of order.

(d) Hindus should be murdered gradually and their population
should be reduced.

(e) All temples should be destroyed.

(J') Muslim League spies in every village and district of India.

(g) Congress Leaders should be murdered, one in one month by
secret method.

(h) Congress upper offices should be destroyed by secret Muslim
Gestapo, single person doing the job.

(i) Karachi, Bombay, Calcutta, Madras, Goa, Vizagapatam should
be paralysed by December 1946 by Muslim League volunteers.

(j) Muslim should never be allowed to work under Hindus in Army,
Navy, Government services or private firms.

(k) Muslim should sabotage whole of India and Congress Govern¬
ment for the final invasion of India by Muslims.

(/) Financial resources are given by Muslim League. Invasion of
India by Nizam communist, few Europeans, Khoja by Bhopal,
few' Anglo-Indians, few Parsis, few Christians, Punjab, Sind and
Bengal will be places of manufacture of all arms, weapons for
Muslim Leaguers invasion and establishing of Muslim Empire
of India.

(m) All arms, weapons should be distributed to Bombay, Calcutta,
Delhi, Madras, Bangalore, Lahore, Karachi, branches of Muslim
League.

(r) All sections of Muslim League should carry minimum equipment
of weapons, at least pocket knife at all times to destroy Hindus
and drive all Hindus out of India.

314

Stern Reckoning

ip) AH transport should be used for battle against Hindus.

ip) Hindu women and girls should be raped, kidnapped and ctmverted,
into Muslims from October 18, 1946.

iq) Hindu culture should be destroyed.

(r) All Leaguers should try to be cruel at all times to Hindus and
boycott them socially, economically and in many other ways.

(s) No Muslim should buy from Hindu dealers. All Hindu produced
films should be boycotted. All Muslim Leaguers should obey
these instructions and bring into action by September IS, 1946.

Dear Mr. Jinnah,

(iii)

No. 2.

Ctovbrnment Hoi»se, Lahore,
5/A September, 1947.

Many thanks for your letter of 26th August, which arrived just after you
left on Monday. I will certainly write to you more often than once a fortnight
to keep you in touch with the situation here. 1 will also, as you asked me to,
write quite frankly.

The law and order position here has improved very dehnitely, but there
are still great dangers. 1 got a telephone message from the Commissioner
Multan last night that Mu/afl'argarh was giving tiouble, and Dera Ghazi Khan
is still disturbed. 1 think that the raiders took a pretty severe knock. There
was serious trouble in Jhang, due, partly at least I think, to the incapacity and
low morale of the Deputy Commissioner, but it seems to be quiet now. I
am apprehensive about Lyallpur. In the next two days I am \isiting Multan,
Lyallpur and Jhang. 1 had hoped to go to Dera Ghazi Khan, but cannot'
get a light aeroplane, which is the only way of getting there quickly. So 1
have asked the Deputy Commissioner to meet me in Multan and bring the
Nawab Leghan with him, if he can I expect trouble in all the Western districts.
The refugee problem is assuming gigantic propoifions. The only limit that 1
can sec to it is that set by the Census reports. According to reports, the move¬
ment across the bolder runs into a lakh or so a day. \t Chuharkana in the
Sheik hupura District I saw between a lakh and a lakh and a half of Sikhs
collected in the town and lound it, in the houses, on the roofs and everywhere.
It was exactly like the Magh Mela in Allahabad. It will take 45 trains to
move them, even at 4,000 people per train: or, if they are to stay there, they
will have to be given 50 tons of ata a day. At Govindgarh in the same district
there was a collection of 30,0t)0 or 40.000 Mazhbi Sikhs with arms. They
refused even to talk to the Deputy Commissioner, an Anglo-Indian, who
advanced with a flag of truce. They sljkot at him and missed. Finally arrange¬
ments were made to esacuate the lot. 1 am telling every one that 1 don't care
how the Sikhs get across the border; the great thing is to get rid of them as
soon as possible. There is still little sign of 3 lakh Sikhs in Lyallpur moving,
but in the end they too will have to go.

The most serious recent development is the very rapid deterioration in
the reliability of the Army. Yesterday Pathans in a Fronber Force Rifle
battalion in Guiranwala seized their arms and established a road block on the
main road, and their officers could do nothing with them. Brigadier McDonald,
who belongs to the regiment and can talk Pushto, was sent out this morning
and the situation is now under contiol. 1 do not know quite what the mutiny
was about. I imagine that the real trouble was that the Commanding Officer
is a bania and the Second in Command a Sikh! All the Hindus and Sikhs
of the Battalion are being sent today across the border. TK*? Muslims wUl,
as soon as possible, be sent to Jhclum. Anyhow, this and other incidents—

Appendix I

315

I understand that things are worse in this respect in N.W.F. Province—have
convinced the Military that their own non-Muslim troops are number one
priority for evacuees. And yet a proposal was seriously put forward that
the Military should take over our police.

I am getting very doubtful—and so is the General—whether the plan
of protecting evacuee camps by troops of their own nationality vnll work in
practice. But we will have to try it and keep the two armies absolutely apart.

1 think that we could secure the safety of non-Muslim camps on our side, but
I doubt very much whether any Muslim camps in the East would be safe with
a Sikh guard. Se we will have to do our best to work the scheme on our side
in order to keep it going on the other.

From various sources 1 hear that the political situation is deteriorating.
Yesterday there was a minor refugee demonstration with shouts of “ Pakistan
Murdabad " —I am told that Shaukat is afraid to show his face in the Muslim
Refugee Camp here. 1 warned my Ministry about a week ago that this sort
of thing was inevitable, that when things go wrong on a large scale it is always
the Government that gets the blame. At first they were inclined to attribute
any unpopularity they may have sensed to the machinations of Firoz, Khaksars,
etc. This was mere self-delusion and very dangerous. This feeling of resent¬
ment against things in general and against the Government in particular is
bound to grow. The ways in which, as far as 1 can see, it can be countered
are (a) propaganda reiterating what Government is doing for the refugees and
(h) an efficient administration.

Efficiency with my present staff is out of the question. We have one
Financial Commissioner, instead of a normal two or three, and our present
one, Akhtar Hussain, though loyal and a good technical revenue officer, is
certainly not capable of doing two men’s work. Out of three Commissioners
of Divisions wc have only one, and he is from all accounts, hardly up to the
job. Out of five D.l.Gs. Police wc have oidy three and two are recently joined
ou^ders, one from U.P. and one from C.P. Finally to crown all, wc have no
eWef Secretary- the Finance Secretary, a mediocre officer, is supposed to be
doing both jobs. In all these matters the Ministry had to adopt the attitude of
the ostrich.

They have got a ” new scheme ” by which no Chief Secretary is required:
a senior departmental Secretary to Government apparently is called Chief
Secretary and draws the pay. The shortage of Commissioners is to be met
partially by abolishing the post of Commissioner of Lahore.

I ha\e not yet troubled them on the subject of the Chief Secretaryship
but on the general question of stalf and, incidentally, that of the Comraissioncr-
ship of the Lahoie Division. I called in l.iaquat and Mohammad All and
had a ioint meeting with them and my Ministers. Largely by Liaquafs help
1 got the Ministers to agree to our trying to get back a number of ex-Punjab
and ex-U.P. British l.C.S. officers and to the retention of the Lahore Division.
Shaukat was a bit difficult, [ don't quite knoiy why.

We had, from our point of view, a successful meeting with Nehru, Patel
and company on Wednesday. Your Ministers and we had the day before
drawn up a paper on refugee policy, which went through after about four
hours rather desultory talk with only drafting amendments. The main fight
was over certain proposals of Fast Punjab by which their troops or officers
would be allowed to enter West Punjab on various pretexts. Finally, I had it
conveyed to Nehru that the conference would break down unless they gave
way, which they did. I enclose a copy of the final paper for your Excellency’s
information.

Patel kept silence for the first three hours and then said that we were alt
wasting our.itnte, and delivered a lecture on how things should have been done
months ago. According to Liaquat the mistakes w'hich he claimed had been

316

Stern Reckoning

made were largely due to his own attitude in the Partition Council. He was
really getting at Nehru, who sat with closed eyes, half asleep. After the meeting
when my A.D.C. was waiting to show Trivedi and Patel into their car he heard
the following conversation;

“ Trivedi: Panditji looks quite done up.

Patel: So he deserves to be, flying all over the country and making fools
of us all."

I hope that we have now seen an end of the visits to this province of Nehru
and his fellow politicians. By his hectoring manner he did considerable damage
to the morale of the District Administration of Sheikhupura. Besides, he
brings newspaper-men like Durga Das with him. I hope that it will be possible
to prevent further visits to Lahore.

This all sounds very gloomy, but we are all in quite good heart. Moss
and Amin-ud-Din arc pillars of strength. If we can get some of our old officers
back, the whole situation will change.

1 do not know whether 1 have addressed you in this letter as you wish to
be addressed. If not, will you please let me know '

Yours sincerel>,
iSd.) Trancis Mudib.

His E\cellency Qaid-i-A/am Mohammad Ah Jinnah,*
(jovernor General of Pakistan,

Karachi.

Note to Chapter Five

The letter of Khan Bahadur Allah Bu\ to the Viceroy renouncing his
titles.

” I have decided to renounce both the honours (K.B. and O.B.TZ.) I hold
from the British Government, as 1 feel I cannot, consistently with my views
and convictions, retrain them any longer. India has been strugglmg for her
national freedom for a long time past. Upon the outbreak of the present
war, it was hoped that, under the vew principles and ideology in defence of
which the Allies were waging a titanrc conflict, India would be made free to
participate in the world struggle as a free country. Convinced as I am that
India has every right to be free and that the people of India should have condi¬
tions in which they could live in peace and harmony, the declaration and action
of the British Government have made it clear that, instead of giving co-operation
to various Indian parties and communities in settling their differences and
parting with power to the people of the land and allowing them to live happily
in freedom and mould the destinies of their country according to their birth¬
right, the policy of the British Government has been to continue their imperialis¬
tic hold on India and persist in keeping hei under subjection, use i^litical and
communal differences for propaganda purposes and crush the national forces
to serve their own imperialistic aims and intentions. The latest speech delivered
by Mr. Winston Churchill in the House of Commons has caused the greatest
disappointment to all men of goodwill who wish to see justice rendered to
India—which is long due to her. As that hapless pronouncement withholds

Appendix /

317

sudi justice from India and adds to the volume of evidence that Britain has no
desire to give up her imperialistic hold on India, 1 feel 1 cannot retain the
honours T hold from the British Government which, in the drcumstances that
have arisen. I cannot but regard as tokens of British imperialism/*

Note to Chapter Six

That is what Khan Abdul Qaiyum Khan says m “ Gold and Guns on
the Pathan Frontier ”; “ The first to go were the Honorary Magistrates.
Their powers were henceforth to be exercised by the regular Courts. These
old-fashioned i^ntlemen were mostly corrupt, some were illiterate, almost
all tvere ignorant of the first principles of Criminal Law. Powers had been
conferred on such people because they acted as the intermediaries through
whom the British hoped to control the masses. . .. The Zaildars who were
placed over the headmen of a number of villages were mostly corrupt. They
were often employed by the police for cooking up false cases and also some¬
times as intermediaries for collecting bribes for dishonest officials. They too
shared the fate of the Honorary Magistrates. Then there were the Muafidars
(Muafi is the cash remission of land revenue granted to a person ) who were
no better than parasites. The Muafidars were mainly Government informers,
unpatriotic men always anxious to create trouble for those who believed in
freedom.. . . The Zaildars, the Honorary Magistrates and the Muafidars
soon became the champions of Islam and with the cry of ‘ Islam in danger ’
were the Frontier’s first recruits to the Muslim League, of which, in this province,
they still formed the backbone. This class saw an admirable opportunity
in the Muslim League, where, while posing as champions of Islam, they could
• protect their own vested intere.sts and settle old scores against the progressive
forces.”

APPENDIX II

TABLE S AND STAT EMENTS

DISTRICT LAHORE

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

Ambcdkar, B. R. ..
Beni Prasad
Durrani, F. K. Khan
Ciandhi, M. K.

> » * •

Gauba, K. L.

Haq, Ch. Afzal
Hussain, A/im
Jinnah, M. A.

Kabir, Hamayun .

Kailash Chandra ..
Mukhcrji, S.

M. R. T.

Naik, V. N.

Nanda, J.

Nehru, J. L.

M * *

Neman, Mohammad
Prasad, Rajendra ..

Smith, W. C.

II • •

Tahilramani, Parsram V ..
Vairanapillai, Dr. Samuel
Ziaul Islam

Thou'^h(.\ on Pakistan

India's Himlii Mmlim Questiotn

The Meaning o/ Paki'Han

Story o! niv txjhrimenfs with Truth

To tin Protagonists o! Pakistan
(Gandhi Senes)

Inside Pakistan

Pakistan and Untoucliabditv

Fazl-i’Husain

Sonic Recent Speeches and Writings oj
Mr. y/rtw//i—Fdited by Jamil-ud-Din
Ahmad.

Muslim Politics (1906-1942)

. The Tragedy of Jinnah

Communalisni in Muslim Politics amt
Ttuuhlcs over India

Muslim India (Horne Studies Circle)

Ml. Jiiiiudi (A Political Study)

Puiijuh Uprooted

Autohiogtapliy

The Distovc! v oj India

Muslim India

India Divided

Modem Islam in India

Muslim League

li 'h) the Lxodus fiom Sind

Are Wc Two Nations

Side Lights' on Muslim Politics

Fublt5h«Hl by Bhjwiiaiu Sc Sons Book-sellers. Connaught Place, New Delhi, and Printed
av F Borton toi (,'i Chir^dge & Co Ltd at the Caxton Press. Frere Road. Fort. Bombay

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